
Plutarch's Lives 




COPYRIGHT, 1918, BY GINN AND COMPANY 
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED 
218.5 



•JUL 15 1918 



GINN AND COMPANY • PRO- 
PRIETORS • BOSTON • U.S.A. 



©CI.A4S9685 



PREFACE 



r^\Y PERMISSION of Little, Brown, and Company, 

D\ dough's translation of the Lives, with the excep- 
' tion of about half a dozen lines, has been followed 

in this edition. 

The historical unity has been steadily kept in mind, 
and it is believed that nothing of importance has been 
sacrificed in the omissions. 

While there may be a difference of opinion as to 
whether the man makes the epoch or the epoch the man, 
it will be generally agreed that the personality of a great 
man will always prove one of the most interesting and 
useful centers around which to group historical events. 

A few brief notes have been given, supplying such 
information only as may not be readily gathered from the 
text. In looking up special information on any point, one 
is apt to get too much interested in the matter, and so 
annotate much more fully than is necessary for the under- 
standing of the text. Notes are often, in this way, more 
harmful than helpful, as they tend to draw the pupil's 
attention from the proper object of study. 

It may be worthy of mention that Plutarch rarely ever 
gives a date, which would seem to indicate that in his 
mind dates were of very little importance compared with 
the facts themselves. 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



In our study of history at the present time we seem to 
have inverted the order, requiring our children to learn 
a great multiplicity of dates instead of impressing upon 
them a few great facts. 

Plutarch possesses a remarkable faculty of seizing upon 
the strong points of a character, and presenting them 
in such a calm and candid way as to leave' a very vivid 
impression upon the mind. 

It is hoped that this book may lead many to read his 
complete works. 

As to the value of such reading and the influence it 
had on his own mind, we are fortunate in being able to 
present Plutarch's experience as given in his "Timoleon." 

" It was for the sake of others that I first commenced 
writing biographies ; but I find myself proceeding and 
attaching myself to it for my own ; the virtues of these 
great men serving me as a sort of looking-glass, in which 
I may see how to adjust and adorn my own life. Indeed, 
it can be compared to nothing but daily living and asso- 
ciating together ; we receive, as it were, in our inquiry, 
and entertain each successive guest, view 

Their stature and their qualities, 

and select from their actions all that is noblest and 
worthiest to know. 

Ah, and what greater pleasure could one have ? 

or, what more effective means to one's moral improve- 
ment ? My method is, by the study of history, and by 
the familiarity acquired in writing, to habituate my memory 
to receive and retain images of the best and worthiest 

[iv] 



PREFACE 

characters. I thus am enabled to free myself from any 
ignoble, base, or vicious impressions, contracted from the 
contagion of ill company that I may be unavoidably 
engaged in, by the remedy of turning my thoughts in a 
happy and calm temper to view these noble examples." 

E. G. 

In this new edition the text has been made more open 
and attractive by additional paragraphing. In several in- 
stances the wording of the original translation has been 
restored. The spelling of a few proper names has been 
altered, to make them accord with the commonly accepted 
forms. The notes have been revised and augmented. A 
complete pronouncing vocabulary of proper names has 
been added. The illustrations are a new feature. 



[v] 



CONTENTS 

PAGE 

TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE ........... ix 

THEMISTOCLES I 

PERICLES . 43 

ALEXANDER 77 

CORIOLANUS 135 

FABIUS 197 

SERTORIUS 243 

CiESAR 289 

NOTES ................. 373 

PRONOUNCING VOCABULARY OF NAMES . . . . . . 391 



[vii] 



TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE 1 



_= ^HE plain facts of Plutarch's own life may be given 
in a very short compass. He was born, probably, 
in the reign of Claudius, about a.d. 45 or 50. His 
native place was Chaeronea, in Boeotia, where his family 
had long been settled and was of good standing and 
local reputation. He studied at Athens under a philoso- 
pher named Ammonius. He visited Egypt. Later in 
life, some time before a.d. 90, he was at Rome " on 
public business," a deputation, perhaps, from Chaeronea. 
He continued there long enough to give lectures which 
attracted attention. 

To Greece and to Chaeronea he returned, and appears 
to have spent in the little town, which he was loth "to 
make less by the withdrawal of even one inhabitant," 
the remainder of his life. He took part in the public 
business of the place and the neighborhood. He was 
archon in the town, and officiated many years as a priest 
of Apollo, apparently at Delphi. 

He was married, and was the father of at least five 
children, of whom two sons, at any rate, survived to man- 
hood. His greatest work, his Biographies, and several of 
his smaller writings, belong to this later period of his 

1 This preface, and the life of Plutarch contained in it, are abridged 
from Clough's translation of Plutarch's Lives. 

[ix] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 

life, under the reign of Trajan. Whether he survived 
to the time of Hadrian is doubtful. All that is certain 
is that he lived to be old ; that in one of his fictitious 
dialogues he describes himself as a young man convers- 
ing on philosophy with Ammonius in the time of Nero's 
visit to Greece, a.d. 66-67 ; and that he was certainly 
alive and still writing in the year 106, the winter which 
Trajan, after building his bridge over the Danube, passed 
in Dacia. 

To this bare outline of certainties, several names and 
circumstances may be added from his writings ; on which 
indeed alone we can safely rely for the very outline itself. 
There are a few allusions and anecdotes in the Lives, 
and from his miscellaneous compositions. 

An anecdote is related in his discourse on Inquisitive- 
ness. Among other precepts for avoiding or curing the 
fault, t( We should habituate ourselves," he says, "when 
letters are brought to us, not to open them instantly and 
in a hurry, not to bite the strings in two, as many people 
will, if they do not succeed at once with their fingers ; 
when a messenger comes, not to run to meet him ; not 
to jump up, when a friend says he has something new 
to tell us ; rather, if he has some good or useful advice 
to give us. Once w T hen I was lecturing at Rome, Rusticus, 
whom Domitian afterwards, out of jealousy of his repu- 
tation, put to death, was one of my hearers ; and while 
I was going on, a soldier came in and brought him a 
letter from the Emperor. And when every one was 
silent, and I stopped to let him read the letter, he 
declined to do so, and put it aside until I had finished 

[*] 



TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE 



and the audience withdrew ; an example of serious and 
dignified behavior which excited much admiration." 

His wife was Timoxena, the daughter of Alexion. 
The circumstances of his domestic life receive their best 
illustration from his letter addressed to this wife, on the 
loss of their one daughter, born to them, it would appear, 
late in life, long after her brothers. (t Plutarch to his 
wife, greeting. The messengers you sent to announce 
our child's death, apparently missed the road to Athens. 
I was told about my daughter on reaching Tanagra. 
Everything relating to the funeral I suppose to have 
been already performed ; my desire is that all these ar- 
rangements may have been so made, as will now and in 
the future be most consoling to yourself. If there is any- 
thing which you have wished to do and have omitted, 
awaiting my opinion, and think would be a relief to you, 
it shall be attended to, apart from all excess and supersti- 
tion, which no one would like less than yourself. Only, 
my wife, let me hope that you will maintain both me 
and yourself within the reasonable limits of grief. What 
our loss really amounts to, I know and estimate for my- 
self. But should I find your distress excessive, my trouble 
on your account will be greater than on that of our loss. 
I am not a ' stock or stone,' as you, my partner in the 
care of our numerous children, every one of whom we 
have ourselves brought up at home, can testify. And this 
child, a daughter, born to your wishes after four sons, 
and affording me the opportunity of recording your name, 
I am well aware was a special object of affection." 

The sweet temper and the pretty ways of the child, he 
[xi] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 

proceeds to say, make the privation peculiarly painful. 
"Yet why/' he says, "should we forget the reasonings 
we have often addressed to others, and regard our present 
pain as obliterating and effacing our former joys ? " 

Those who had been present had spoken to him in 
terms of admiration of the calmness and simplicity of 
her behavior. The funeral had been devoid of any use- 
less and idle sumptuosity, and her own house of all dis- 
play of extravagant lamentation. This was indeed no 
wonder to him, who knew how much her plain and un- 
luxurious living had surprised his philosophical friends 
and visitors, and who well remembered her composure 
under the previous loss of the eldest of her children, and 
again, " when our beautiful Charon left us." 

"I recollect," he says, "that some acquaintance from 
abroad were coming up with me from the sea when the 
tidings of the child's decease were brought, and they fol- 
lowed with our other friends to the house ; but the perfect 
order and tranquillity they found there made them believe, 
as I afterwards was informed they had related, that noth- 
ing had happened, and that the previous intelligence had 
been a mistake." 

The Consolation (so the letter is named) closes with 
expressions of belief in the immortality of each human 
soul. 

Plutarch seems to have busied himself about all the 
little matters of his native town, and to have made it 
a point to undertake the humblest duties. After relating 
the story of Epaminondas giving the dignity to the office 
of Chief Scavenger, "And I, too, for that matter," he 

[*»].-■ 



TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE 



says, " am often a jest to my neighbors, when they see me, 
as they frequently do, in public, occupied on very similar 
duties ; but the story told about Antisthenes comes to my 
assistance. When some one expressed surprise at his 
carrying home some pickled fish from market in his own 
hands, It is, he answered, for myself. Conversely, when 
I am reproached with standing by and watching while 
tiles are measured out, and stone and mortar brought up, 
This service \ I say, is not for myself, it is for my country." 

Even in these, the comparatively few, more positive 
and matter-of-fact passages of allusion and anecdote, there 
is enough to bring up something of a picture of a happy 
domestic life, half academic, half municipal, passed among 
affectionate relatives and well-known friends, inclining 
most to literary and moral studies, yet not cut off from 
the duties and avocations of the citizen. 

In reading Plutarch, the following points should be 
remembered. He is a moralist rather than a historian. 
His interest is less for politics and the changes of empires, 
and much more for personal character and individual 
actions and motives to action ; duty performed and re- 
warded ; arrogance chastised, hasty anger corrected ; hu- 
manity, fair dealing, and generosity triumphing in the 
visible, or relying on the invisible world. His mind in 
his biographic memoirs is continually running on the 
Aristotelian Ethics and the high Platonic theories, which 
formed the religion of the educated population of his time. 

The time itself is a second point ; that of Nerva, 
Trajan, and Hadrian ; the commencement of the best 

[xiii] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



and happiest age of the great Roman imperial period. 
The social system, spreading over all the coasts of the 
Mediterranean Sea, of which Greece and Italy were the 
centers, and to which the East and the furthest known 
West were brought into relation, had then reached its 
highest mark of advance and consummation. The laws 
of Rome and the philosophy of Greece were powerful 
from the Tigris to the British islands. It was the last 
great era of Greek and Roman literature. Epictetus was 
teaching in Greek the virtues which Marcus Aurelius 
was to illustrate as emperor. Dio Chrysostom and 
Arrian were recalling the memory of the most famous 
Attic rhetoricians and historians, and while Plutarch 
wrote in Chaeronea, Tacitus, Pliny the Younger, Martial, 
and Juvenal were writing at Rome. 

It may be said too, perhaps, not untruly, that the 
Latin, metropolitan writers, less faithfully represent the 
general spirit and character of the time, than what came 
from the pen of a simple Boeotian provincial, writing in 
a more universal language, and unwarped by the strong 
local reminiscences of the old home of the Senate and 
the Republic. Tacitus and Juvenal have more, perhaps, 
of the "antique Roman" than of the citizen of the 
great Mediterranean Empire. The evils of the imperial 
government, as felt in the capital city, are depicted in 
the Roman prose and verse more vividly and more 
vehemently than suits a general representation of the 
state of the imperial world, even under the rule of 
Domitian himself. 

It is, at any rate, the serener aspect and the better 
[xiv] 



TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE 



era that the life and writings of Plutarch reflect. His 
language is that of a man happy in himself and in what 
is around him. His natural cheerfulness is undiminished, 
his easy and joyous simplicity is unimpaired, his satisfac- 
tions are not saddened or embittered by any overpowering 
recollections of years passed under the immediate present 
terrors of imperial wickedness. Though he also could 
remember Nero, and had been a man when Domitian 
was an emperor, the utmost we can say is, that he 
shows, perhaps, the instructed happiness of one who 
had lived into good times out of evil, and that the very 
vigor of his content proves that its roots were fixed 
amongst circumstances not too indulgent or favorable. 

Much has been said of Plutarch's inaccuracy ; and it 
cannot be denied that he is careless about numbers, and 
occasionally contradicts his own statements. A greater 
fault, perhaps, is his passion for anecdote ; he cannot 
forbear from repeating stories, the improbability of which 
he is the first to recognize ; which, nevertheless, by mere 
repetition, leave unjust impressions. He is unfair in this 
way to Demosthenes and to Pericles, against the latter 
of whom, however, he doubtless inherited the prejudices 
which Plato handed down to the philosophers. 

It is true, also, that his unhistorical treatment of the 
subjects of his biography makes him often unsatisfactory 
and imperfect in the portraits he draws. Much, of 
course, in the public lives of statesmen can find its 
only explanation in their political position ; and of this 
Plutarch often knows and thinks little. So far as the 
researches of modern historians have succeeded in really 

[XV] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 

recovering a knowledge of relations of this sort, so far, 
undoubtedly, these biographies stand in need of their 
correction. Yet in the uncertainty which must attend 
all modern restorations, it is agreeable, and surely, also, 
profitable, to recur to portraits drawn ere new thoughts 
and views had occupied the civilized world, without 
reference to such disputable grounds of judgment, 
simply upon the broad principles of the ancient moral 
code of right and wrong. 

Making some little deductions in cases such as those 
that have been mentioned, allowing for a little overlove 
of story, and for some considerable quasi-religious hos- 
tility to the democratic leaders who excited the scorn of 
Plato, if we bear in mind, also, that in narratives like 
that of Theseus, he himself confesses his inability to 
disengage fact from fable, it may be said that in 
Plutarch's Lives the readers of all ages will find instruc- 
tive and faithful biographies of the great men of Greece 
and Rome. Or, at any rate, if in Plutarch's time it was 
too late to think of really faithful biographies, we have 
here the faithful record of the historical tradition of his 
age. This is what, in the second century of our era, 
Greeks and Romans loved to believe about their warriors 
and statesmen of the past. 

As a picture, at least, of the best Greek and Roman 
moral views and moral judgments, as a presentation of 
the results of Greek and Roman moral thought, delivered 
not under the pressure of calamity, but as they existed 
in ordinary times, and actuated plain-living people in 
country places in their daily life, Plutarch's writings 

[xvi] 



TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE 



are of indisputable value ; and it may be said, also, 
that Plutarch's character, as depicted in them, possesses 
a natural charm of pleasantness and amiability which it 
is not easy to match among all extant classical authors. 

The present translation is a revision of that published 
at the end of the seventeenth century, with a life of 
Plutarch written by Dryden, whose name, it was pre- 
sumed, w 7 ould throw some reflected luster on the 
humbler workmen who performed, better or worse, 
the more serious labor. 

The concluding passage of the life may serve as a 
conclusion to this prefatory essay. It is as follows : 
" Theodorus Gaza, a man learned in the Latin tongue, 
and a great restorer of the Greek, who lived above two 
hundred years ago, deserves to have his suffrage set 
down in words at length ; for the rest have only com- 
mended Plutarch more than any single author, but he 
has extolled him above all together. 

" 'Tis said that, having this extravagant question put 
to him by a friend, that if learning must suffer a general 
shipwreck, and he had only his choice left him of pre- 
serving one author, who should be the man he would 
preserve, he answered, Plutarch ; and probably might 
give this reason, that in saving him, he should secure 
the best collection of them all. 

" The epigram of Agathias deserves also to be remem- 
bered. This author flourished about the year five hun- 
dred, in the reign of the Emperor Justinian. The verses 
are extant in the Anthologia, and with the translation of 

[ xvii ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 

them I will conclude the praises of our author ; having 
first admonished you, that they are supposed to be written 
on a statue erected by the Romans to his memory. 

" Chaeronean Plutarch, to thy deathless praise 
Does martial Rome this grateful statue raise, 
Because both Greece and she thy fame have shared, 
(Their heroes written, and their lives compared). 
But thou thyself couldst never write thy own ; 
Their lives have parallels, but thine has none." 



THEMISTOCLES 



THEMISTOCLES 



INTRODUCTION 



REECE is one of the smallest countries in Europe, 



and one of the most famous. The whole of its 



^=^1 territory is not so large as the state of Maine ; 
but there has never been a nation that has surpassed it 
in art, philosophy, literature, and warlike deeds. So we 
see that greatness does not depend on size. 

Greece is a peninsula, running from north to south, 
with a great many deep bays and excellent harbors. Par- 
ticularly there is one place where two bays, the one to 
the east, the other to the west, come so near each other 
that there is only a narrow isthmus to connect the penin- 
sula at the south with the mainland at the north. Just at 
this isthmus was situated the famous city of Corinth, and 
the peninsula at the south was called the Peloponnesus, 
or Island of Pelops. 

Greece is unusually mountainous, and is divided by 
the mountain chains into many little valleys. In each 
of these valleys was a city, and each city was wholly 
independent of all others ; sometimes the neighboring- 
cities were united into a kind of league, but even in this 
case each little city could do about as it pleased. There 
were, however, two cities which had a larger territory 
than others, and greater power. These were Sparta, in 




[3] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 

the Peloponnesus, and Athens, north of the isthmus. Of 
course these two cities were rivals and enemies, and they 
were at the head of two rival and hostile parties. 

Sparta and Athens were very different in character 
and in institutions. Sparta was governed by an aristoc- 
racy of soldiers. The Spartans cared nothing for art 
or literature, and little for humanity. All their ambition 
was for power and military glory ; and when they had 
gained power, they were cruel and unjust in using it. 
The Athenians, on the other hand, were democratic. 
Every citizen had equal rights in the government, and 
they were distinguished for intelligence and culture. It 
was the common people of Athens for whom their noble 
works of art and literature were designed. 

But the hostility of Athens and Sparta did not break 
out until a later date. In early times Sparta was acknowl- 
edged by every one to be the most powerful city in 
Greece, and to have a right to take the lead in all com- 
mon enterprises. And this acknowledged leadership of 
Sparta continued until the most famous of these com- 
mon enterprises, the union of the Greek cities to resist 
the Persian invasion. 

The Persian Wars began about five hundred years 
before Christ. Persia was at this time the greatest 
empire in the world, and the greatest empire too that 
there had ever been, as it embraced all of Asia that lay 
west of Hindustan, and also Egypt in Africa, and Thrace 
in Europe. Thrace had been very recently conquered 
by the Persian king Darius, and both here and in Asia 
Minor there were a number of Greek cities, which had 

[4] 



THEMIS TO CLES 



been made subject to Persia. But the Greeks were used 
to governing themselves, and they did not like the des- 
potic rule of Persia. In the year 500 B.C. the Ionian 
cities of Asia Minor broke out in a revolt, and were 
aided by the Athenians, for Athens too was an Ionian 
city. It did not take Darius long to suppress this re- 
volt and reconquer the cities of Asia ; and then he 
determined to punish the Athenians for the assistance 
they had sent. 

In the year 490 the great army sent by Darius crossed 
the /Egean Sea and landed at Marathon, about a day's 
journey from Athens. It did not seem possible that the 
little city of Athens could resist the forces of this 
mighty empire. They had but a small army of ten 
thousand men, with only a thousand auxiliaries, from 
Plataea. But they were brave and well disciplined, and 
they had a skillful general, named Miltiades. This little 
army, fighting for their homes and their liberties, routed 
the Persians, and forced them to take their ships and 
go back to Asia. 

This was the famous battle of Marathon. So com- 
pletely w r ere the Persians beaten, that it was ten years 
before they came back again ; and in the meantime 
Darius had died, and had been succeeded by his son 
Xerxes. Miltiades too was dead, and the great man 
in Greece was now Themistocles, 



[5] 



THEMISTOCLES 



V — 1| — SHE birth of Themistocles was somewhat too ob- 
scure to do him honor. His father, Neocles, was 
not of the distinguished people of Athens ; and 
by his mother's side, as it is reported, he was baseborn. 

It is confessed by all that from his youth he was of 
a vehement and impetuous nature, of a quick apprehen- 
sion, and a strong and aspiring bent for action and great 
affairs. The holidays and intervals in his studies he did 
not spend in play or idleness, as other children, but 
would be always inventing or arranging some, oration or 
declamation to himself, the subject of which was gener- 
ally the excusing or accusing his companions, so that his 
master would often say to him, " You, my boy, will be 
nothing small, but great one way or other, for good or 
else for bad." 

He received reluctantly and carelessly instructions 
given him to improve his manners and behavior, or 
to teach him any pleasing or graceful accomplishment, 
but whatever was said to improve him in sagacity, or 
in management of affairs, he would give attention to, 
beyond one of his years, from confidence in his natural 
capacities for such things. 

And thus afterwards, when in company where people 
engaged themselves in what are commonly thought the 

[6] 



THEMIS TOCLES 



liberal and elegant amusements, he was obliged to defend 
himself against the observations of those who considered 
themselves highly accomplished, by the somewhat arro- 
gant retort, that he certainly could not make use of any 
stringed instrument, could only, were a small and obscure 
city put into his hands, make it great and glorious. 

In the first essays of his youth he was not regular 
nor happily balanced ; he allowed himself to follow mere 
natural character, which, without the control of reason 
and instruction, is apt to hurry, upon either side, into 
sudden and violent courses, and very often to break away 
and determine upon the worst ; as he afterwards owned 
himself, saying that the wildest colts make the best horses, 
if they only get properly trained and broken in. 

There are those who relate how that to deter him 
from public business, and to let him see how the vulgar 
behave themselves towards their leaders when they have 
at last no farther use of them, his father showed him 
the old galleys as they lay forsaken and cast about upon 
the seashore. 

Yet it is evident that his mind was early imbued 
with the keenest interest in public affairs, and the most 
passionate ambition for distinction. Eager from the first 
to obtain the highest place, he unhesitatingly accepted 
the hatred of the most powerful and influential leaders 
in the city, but more especially of Aristides, who always 
opposed him. 

And yet all this great enmity between them arose, it 
appears, from a very boyish occasion, both being attached 
to the beautiful Stesilaus of Ceos ; ever after which, they 

[7] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



took opposite sides, and were rivals in politics. Not but 
that the incompatibility of their lives and manners may 
seem to have increased the difference, for Aristides was 
of a mild nature, and of a nobler sort of character, and, 
in public matters,, acting always with a view, not to glory 
or popularity, but to the best interests of the state con- 
sistently with safety and honesty, he was often forced to 
oppose Themistocles, and interfere against the increase 
of his influence, seeing him stirring up the people to all 
kinds of enterprises, and introducing various innovations. 
For it is said that Themistocles was so transported with 
the thoughts of glory, and so inflamed with the passion 
for great actions, that, though he was still young when 
the battle of Marathon was fought against the Persians, 
upon the skillful conduct of the general, Miltiades, being 
everywhere talked about, he was observed to be thought- 
ful, and reserved, alone by himself ; he passed the nights 
without sleep, and avoided all his usual places of recre- 
ation, and to those who wondered at the change, and 
inquired the reason of it, he gave the answer, that "the 
trophy of Miltiades would not let him sleep." 

And when others were of opinion that the battle of 
Marathon would be an end to the war, Themistocles 
thought that it was but the beginning of far greater con- 
flicts, and for these, to the benefit of all Greece, he kept 
himself in continual readiness, and his city also in proper 
training, foreseeing, from far before, what would happen. 

And, first of all, the Athenians being accustomed to 
divide amongst themselves the revenue proceeding from 
the silver mines at Laurium, he was the only man that 

[8] 



THEMI STOCLES 



durst propose to the people that this distribution should 
cease, and that with the money ships should be built to 
make war against the /Eginetans, who were the most 
flourishing people in all Greece, and by the number of 
their ships held the sovereignty of the sea ; and The- 
mistocles thus was more easily able to persuade them, 
avoiding all mention of danger from Darius or the Per- 
sians, who were at a great distance, and their coming 
very uncertain, and at that time not much to be feared ; 
but by a seasonable employment of the emulation and 
anger felt by the Athenians against the yEginetans, he 
induced them to preparation. So that with this money 
an hundred ships were built, with which they afterwards 
fought against Xerxes. 

And, henceforward, little by little, turning and drawing 
the city down towards the sea, in the belief, that whereas 
by land they were not a fit match for their next neighbors, 
with their ships they might be able to repel the Persians 
and command Greece, thus, as Plato says, from steady 
soldiers he turned them into mariners and seamen tossed 
about the sea, and gave occasion for the reproach against 
him, that he took away from the Athenians the spear and 
the shield, and bound them to the bench and the oar. 

These measures he carried in the assembly, against the 
opposition of M iltiades ; and whether or no he hereby 
injured the purity and true balance of government, may 
be a question for philosophers, but that the deliverance 
of Greece came at that time from the sea, and that these 
galleys restored Athens again after it was destroyed, 
were others wanting, Xerxes himself would be sufficient 

[9] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



evidence, who, though his land forces were still entire, 
after his defeat at sea, fled away, and thought himself 
no longer able to encounter the Greeks ; and, as it seems 
to me, left Mardonius behind him, not out of any hopes 
he could have to bring them into subjection, but to hinder 
them from pursuing him. 

Themistocles is said to have been eager in the acqui- 
sition of riches, according to some, that he might be 
the more liberal ; for loving to sacrifice often, and to be 
splendid in his entertainment of strangers, he required a 
plentiful revenue ; yet he is accused by others of having 
been parsimonious and sordid to that degree that he would 
sell provisions which were sent to him as a present. 

When he came to the Olympic games, and was so 
splendid in his equipage and entertainments, in his rich 
tents and furniture, that he strove to outdo Cimon, he 
displeased the Greeks, who thought that such magnifi- 
cence might be allowed in one who was a young man 
and of a great family, but was a great piece of insolence 
in one as yet undistinguished, and without title or means 
for making any such display. 

He was well liked by the common people, would salute 
every particular citizen by his own name, and always show 
himself a just judge in questions of business between pri- 
vate men ; he said to Simonides, the poet of Ceos, who 
desired something of him, when he was commander of 
the army, that was not reasonable, " Simonides, you would 
be no good poet if you wrote false measure, nor should 
I be a good magistrate if for favor I made false law." 
And at another time, laughing at Simonides, he said 

[10] 



THEMISTOCLES 



that he was a man of little judgment to speak against 
the Corinthians, who were inhabitants of a great city, 
and to have his own picture drawn so often, having so 
ill-looking a face. 

Gradually growing to be great, and winning the favor 
of the people, he at last gained the day with his faction 
over that of Aristides, and procured his banishment by 
ostracism. 

When the king of Persia was now advancing against 
Greece, and the Athenians were in consultation who 
should be general, and many withdrew themselves of 
their own accord, being terrified with the greatness of 
the danger, there was one Epicydes, a popular speaker, 
son to Euphemides, a man of an eloquent tongue, but 
of a faint heart, and a slave to riches, who was desirous 
of the command, and was looked upon to be in a fair 
way to carry it by the number of votes ; but Themistocles, 
fearing that, if the command should fall into such hands, 
all would be lost, bought off Epicydes and his preten- 
sions, it is said, for a sum of money. 

When the king of Persia sent messengers into Greece, 
with an interpreter, to demand earth and water, as an 
acknowledgment of subjection, Themistocles, by the con- 
sent of the people, seized upon the interpreter, and put 
him to death, for presuming to publish the barbarian 
orders and decrees in the Greek language; this is one 
of the actions he is commended for, as also for what he 
did to Arthmius of Zelea, who brought gold from the 
king of Persia to corrupt the Greeks, and was, by an 
order from Themistocles, degraded and disfranchised, he 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



and his children and his posterity ; but that which most 
of all redounded to his credit was, that he put an end to 
all the civil wars of Greece, composed their differences, 
and persuaded them to lay aside all enmity during the 
war with the Persians. 

Having taken upon himself the command of the Athe- 
nian forces, he immediately endeavored to persuade the 
citizens to leave the city, and to embark upon their 
galleys, and meet with the Persians at a great distance 
from Greece ; but many being against this, he led a large 
force, together with the Lacedaemonians, into Tempe, that 
in this pass they might maintain the safety of Thessaly, 
which had not as yet declared for the king ; but when 
they returned without performing anything, and it was 
known that not only the Thessalians, but all as far as 
Boeotia, was going over to Xerxes, then the Athenians 
more willingly hearkened to the advice of Themistocles 
to fight by sea, and sent him with a fleet to guard the 
straits of Artemisium. 

When the contingents met here, the Greeks would 
have the Lacedaemonians to command, and Eurybiades 
to be their admiral ; but the Athenians, who surpassed 
all the rest together in number of vessels, would not sub- 
mit to come after any other, till Themistocles, perceiving 
the danger of this contest, yielded his own command to 
Eurybiades, and got the Athenians to submit, extenuating 
the loss by persuading them, that if in this war they be- 
haved themselves like men, he would answer for it after 
that, that the Greeks, of their own will, would submit to 
their command. 



THEMISTOCLES 



And by this moderation of his, it is evident that he 
was the chief means of the deliverance of Greece, and 
gained the Athenians the glory of alike surpassing their 
enemies in valor, and their confederates in wisdom. 

As soon as the Persian armada arrived at Aphetse, 
Eurybiades was astonished to see such a vast number of 
vessels before him, and, being informed that two hundred 
more were sailing round behind the island of Sciathus, he 
immediately determined to retire farther into Greece, and 
to sail back into some part of Peloponnesus, where their 
land army and their fleet might join, for he looked upon 
the Persian forces to be altogether unassailable by sea. 

But the Euboeans, fearing that the Greeks would for- 
sake them, and leave them to the mercy of the enemy, 
sent Pelagon to confer privately with Themistocles, taking 
with him a good sum of money, which, as Herodotus 
reports, he accepted and gave to Eurybiades. In this 
affair none of his own countrymen opposed him so much 
as Architeles, captain of the sacred galley, who, having 
no money to supply his seamen, was eager to go home ; 
but Themistocles so incensed the Athenians against him, 
that they set upon him and left him not so much as his 
supper, at which Architeles was much surprised, and 
took it very ill ; but Themistocles immediately sent him 
in a chest a service of provisions, and at the bottom of 
it a talent of silver, desiring him to sup to-night, and 
to-morrow provide for his seamen ; if not, he would 
report it amongst the Athenians that he had received 
money from the enemy. So Phanias the Lesbian tells 
the story. 

[13] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 

Though the fights between the Greeks and Persians in 
the straits of Euboea were not so important as to make 
any final decision of the war, yet the experience which 
the Greeks obtained in them was of great advantage ; 
for thus, by actual trial and in real danger, they found 
out, that neither number of ships, nor riches and orna- 
ments, nor boasting shouts, nor barbarous songs of vic- 
tory, were any way terrible to men that knew how to 
fight, and were resolved to come hand to hand with 
their enemies ; these things they were to despise, and to 
come up close and grapple with their foes. This Pindar 
appears to have seen, and says justly enough of the fight 
at Artemisium, that 

There the sons of Athens set 

The stone that freedom stands on yet. 

For the first step towards victory undoubtedly is to gain 
courage. 

But when news came from Thermopylae to Artemisium, 
informing them that king Leonidas was slain, and that 
Xerxes had made himself master of all the passages by 
land, they returned to the interior of Greece, the Athe- 
nians having the command of the rear, the place of honor 
and danger, and much elated by what had been done. 

As Themistocles sailed along the coast, he took notice 
of the harbors and fit places for the enemies' ships to 
come to land at, and engraved large letters in such stones 
as he found there by chance, as also in others which he 
set up on purpose near to the landing places, or where 
they were to water ; in which inscriptions he called upon 

[14] 

/ 



THEMISTOCLES 



the Ionians to forsake the Medes, if it were possible, and 
come over to the Greeks, who were their proper founders 
and fathers, and were now hazarding all for their liber- 
ties ; but, if this could not be done, at any rate to impede 
and disturb the Persians in all engagements. He hoped 
that these writings would prevail with the Ionians to revolt, 
or raise some trouble by making their fidelity doubtful to 
the Persians. 

Now, though Xerxes had already passed through Doris 
and invaded the country of Phocis, and was burning and 
destroying the cities of the Phocians, yet the Greeks sent 
them no relief ; and, though the Athenians earnestly 
desired them to meet the Persians in Boeotia, before they 
could come into Attica, as they themselves had come for- 
ward by sea at Artemisium, they gave no ear to their 
request, being wholly intent upon Peloponnesus, and 
resolved to gather all their forces together within the 
Isthmus, and to build a wall from sea to sea in that 
narrow neck of land ; so that the Athenians were en- 
raged to see themselves betrayed, and at the same time 
afflicted and dejected at their own destitution. For to 
fight alone against such a numerous army was to no pur- 
pose, and the only expedient now left them was to leave 
their city and cling to their ships ; which the people were 
very unwilling to submit to, imagining that it would sig- 
nify little now to gain a victory, and not understanding 
how there could be deliverance any longer after they had 
once forsaken the temples of their gods and exposed the 
tombs and monuments of their ancestors to the fury of 
their enemies. 

[*5] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



Themistocles, being at a loss, and not able to draw the 
people over to his opinion by any human reason, set his 
machines to work, as in a theater, and employed prodigies 
and oracles. The serpent of Minerva, kept in the inner 
part of her temple, disappeared ; the priests gave it out 
to the people that the offerings which were set for it 
were found untouched, and declared, by the suggestion 
of Themistocles, that the goddess had left the city, and 
taken her flight before them towards the sea. And he 
often urged them with the oracle which bade them trust 
to walls of wood, showing them that walls of wood could 
signify nothing else but ships ; and that the island of 
Salamis was termed in it, not miserable or unhappy, but 
had the epithet of divine, for that it should one day be 
associated with a great good fortune of the Greeks. 

At length his opinion prevailed, and he obtained a 
decree that the city should be committed to the protec- 
tion of Minerva, " queen of Athens " ; that they who 
were of age to bear arms should embark, and that each 
should see to sending away his children, women, and 
slaves where he could. This decree being confirmed, 
most of the Athenians removed their parents, wives, and 
children to Troezen, where they were received with eager 
good will by the Troezenians, who passed a vote that they 
should be maintained at the public charge, and leave be 
given to the children to gather fruit where they pleased, 
and schoolmasters paid to instruct them. 

When the whole city of Athens were going on board, 
it afforded a spectacle worthy of pity alike and admiration, 
to see them thus send away their fathers and children 

[16] 



THEMIS TOCLES 

before them, and, unmoved with their cries and tears, 
pass over into the island. But that which stirred com- 
passion most of all was, that many old men, by reason 
of their great age, were left behind ; and even the tame 
domestic animals could not be seen without some pity, 
running about the town and howling, as desirous to be 
carried along with their masters that had kept them ; 
among which it is reported that Xanthippus, the father 
of Pericles, had a dog that would not endure to stay 
behind, but leaped into the sea, and swam along by the 
galley's side till he came to the island of Salamis, where 
he fainted away and died, and that spot in the island, 
which is still called the Dog's Grave, is said to be his. 

Among the great actions of Themistocles at this crisis, 
the recall of Aristides was not the least, for, before the 
war, he had been ostracized by the party which Themis- 
tocles headed, and was in banishment ; but now, per- 
ceiving that the people regretted his absence, and were 
fearful that he might go over to the Persians to revenge 
himself, and thereby ruin the affairs of Greece, Themis- 
tocles proposed a decree that those who were banished 
for a time might return again, to give assistance by word 
and deed to the cause of Greece with the rest of their 
fellow citizens. 

Eurybiades, by reason of the greatness of Sparta, was 
admiral of the Greek fleet, but yet was faint-hearted in 
time of danger, and willing to weigh anchor and set sail 
for the Isthmus of Corinth, near which the land army lay 
encamped ; which Themistocles resisted ; and this was 
the occasion of the well-known words, when Eurybiades, 

[17] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



to check his impatience, told him that at the Olympic 
games they that start up before the rest are lashed ; 
"And they," replied Themistocles, "that are left behind 
are not crowned." 

Again, Eurybiades lifting up his staff as if he were 
going to strike, Themistocles said, " Strike if you will, 
but hear"; Eurybiades, wondering much at his modera- 
tion, desired him to speak, and Themistocles now brought 
him to a better understanding. 

And when one who stood by him told him that it did 
not become those who had neither city nor house to lose, 
to persuade others to relinquish their habitations and for- 
sake their countries, Themistocles gave this reply : " We 
have indeed left our houses and our walls, base fellow, 
not thinking it fit to become slaves for the sake of things 
that have no life nor soul ; and yet our city is the great- 
est of all Greece, consisting of two hundred galleys, 
which are here to defend you, if you please ; but if you 
run away and betray us, as you did once before, the 
Greeks shall soon hear news of the Athenians possessing 
as fair a country, and as large and free a city, as that 
they have lost." 

These expressions of Themistocles made Eurybiades 
suspect that if he retreated the Athenians would fall off 
from him. When one of Eretria began to oppose him, 
he said, " Have you, that are like an ink-fish, anything 
to say of war? you have a sword, but no heart." 

Some say that while Themistocles was thus speaking 
upon the deck, an owl was seen flying to the right hand 
of the fleet, which came and sate upon the top of the 

[18] 



THEMIS TO CLES 



mast ; and this happy omen so far disposed the Greeks 
to follow his advice, that they presently prepared to fight. 
Yet, when the enemy's fleet was arrived at the haven of 
Phalerum, upon the coast of Attica, and with the number 
of their ships concealed all the shore, and when they saw 
the king himself in person come down with his land 
army to the seaside, with all his forces united, then the 
good counsel of Themistocles was soon forgotten, and the 
Peloponnesians cast their eyes again towards the Isthmus, 
and took it very ill if any one spoke against their return- 
ing home ; and, resolving to depart that night, the pilots 
had order what course to steer. 

Themistocles, in great distress that the Greeks should 
retire, and lose the advantage of the narrow seas and 
strait passage, and slip home every one to his own city, 
considered with himself, and contrived that stratagem that 
was carried out by Sicinnus. 

This Sicinnus was a Persian captive, but a great lover 
of Themistocles, and the attendant of his children. Upon 
this occasion, he sent him privately to Xerxes, command- 
ing him to tell the king, that Themistocles, the admiral 
of the Athenians, having espoused his interest, wished to 
be the first to inform him that the Greeks were ready to 
make their escape, and that he counseled him to hinder 
their flight, to set upon them while they were in this 
confusion and at a distance from their land army, and 
hereby destroy all their forces by sea. 

Xerxes was very joyful at this message, and received 
it as from one who wished him all that was good, and 
immediately issued instructions to the commanders of his 

[19] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 

ships, that they should instantly set out with two hundred 
galleys to encompass all the islands, and enclose all the 
straits and passages, that none of the Greeks might 
escape, and that they should afterwards follow with the 
rest of their fleet at leisure. 

This being done, Aristides was the first man that per- 
ceived it, and went to the tent of Themistocles, not out 
of any friendship, for he had been formerly banished by 
his means, as has been related, but to inform him how 
they were encompassed by their enemies. 

Themistocles, knowing the generosity of Aristides, and 
much struck by his visit at that time, imparted to him all 
that he had transacted by Sicinnus, and entreated him, 
that, as he would be more readily believed among the 
Greeks, he would make use of his credit to help to induce 
them to stay and fight their enemies in the narrow seas. 

Aristides applauded Themistocles, and went to the 
other commanders and captains of the galleys, and en- 
couraged them to engage ; yet they did not perfectly 
assent to him, till a galley of Tenos, which deserted 
from the Persians, of which Panaetius was commander, 
came in, while they were still doubting, and confirmed 
the news that all the straits and passages were beset ; 
and then their rage and fury, as well as their necessity, 
provoked them all to fight. 

As soon as it was day, Xerxes placed himself high up, 
to view his fleet, and how it was set in order. Phano- 
demus says, he sat upon a promontory above the temple 
of Hercules, where the coast of Attica is separated from 
the island by a narrow channel ; but Acestodorus writes, 

[20] 



THEMISTOCLES 



that it was in the confines of Megara, upon those hills 
which are called the Horns, where he sat in a chair of 
gold, with many secretaries about him to write down all 
that was done in the fight. 

The number of the enemy's ships the poet /Eschylus 
gives in his tragedy called the "Persians," as on his 
certain knowledge, in the following words : 

Xerxes, I know, did into battle lead 

One thousand ships ; of more than usual speed 

Seven and two hundred. So it is agreed. 

The Athenians had a hundred and eighty ; in every 
ship eighteen men fought upon the deck, four of w T hom 
were archers and the rest men at arms. 

As Themistocles had fixed upon the most advantageous 
place, so, with no less sagacity, he chose the best time of 
fighting ; for he would not run the prows of his galleys 
against the Persians, nor begin the fight till the time of 
day w T as come, when there regularly blows in a fresh 
breeze from the open sea, and brings in with it a strong 
sw T ell into the channel ; which was no inconvenience to 
the Greek ships, which were low-built, and little above 
the water, but did much hurt to the Persians, which had 
high sterns and lofty decks, and were heavy and cum- 
brous in their movements, as it presented them broadside 
to the quick charges of the Greeks, who kept their eyes 
upon the motions of Themistocles, as their best example, 
and more particularly because, opposed to his ship, 
Ariamenes, admiral to Xerxes, a brave man, and by far 
the best and worthiest of the king's brothers, was seen 

[21] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



throwing darts and shooting arrows from his huge galley, 
as from the walls of a castle. 

The first man that took a ship was Lycomedes the 
Athenian, captain of a galley, who cut down its ensign, 
and dedicated it to Apollo the Laurel-crowned. And as 
the Persians fought in a narrow arm of the sea, and could 
bring but part of their fleet to fight, and fell foul of one 
another, the Greeks thus equaled them in strength, and 
fought with them till the evening, forced them back, and 
obtained, as says Simonides, that noble and famous vic- 
tory, than which neither amongst the Greeks nor bar- 
barians was ever known more glorious exploit on the 
seas ; by the joint valor, indeed, and zeal of all who 
fought, but by the wisdom and sagacity of Themistocles. 

After this sea fight, Xerxes, enraged at his ill fortune, 
attempted, by casting great heaps of earth and stones 
into the sea, to stop up the channel and to make a dam, 
upon which he might lead his land forces over into the 
island of Salamis. 

Themistocles, being desirous to try the opinion of 
Aristides, told him that he proposed to set sail for the 
Hellespont, to break the bridge of ships, so as to shut 
up, he said, Asia a prisoner within Europe ; but Aris- 
tides, disliking the design, said, " We have hitherto 
fought with an enemy who has regarded little else but 
his pleasure and luxury ; but if we shut him up within 
Greece, and drive him to necessity, he that is master of 
such great forces will no longer sit quietly with an um- 
brella of gold over his head, looking upon the fight for 
his pleasure ; but in such a strait will attempt all things ; 



THEMISTOCLES 



he will be resolute, and appear himself in person upon 
all occasions, he will soon correct his errors, and supply 
what he has formerly omitted through remissness, and 
will be better advised in all things. Therefore, it is 
noways our interest, Themistocles," he said, ^ to take 
away the bridge that is already made, but rather to build 
another, if it were possible, that he might make his retreat 
with the more expedition." 

To which Themistocles answered, " If this be requisite, 
we must immediately use all diligence, art, a'nd industry, 
to rid ourselves of him as soon as may be " ; and to this 
purpose he found out among the captives one Arnaces, 
whom he sent to the king, to inform him that the Greeks, 
being now victorious by sea, had decreed to sail to the 
Hellespont, where the boats were fastened together, and 
destroy the bridge ; but that Themistocles, being con- 
cerned for the king, revealed this to him, that he might 
hasten towards the Asiatic seas, and pass over into his 
own dominions ; and in the mean time would cause 
delays, and hinder the confederates from pursuing him. 

Xerxes no sooner heard this, but, being very much 
terrified, he proceeded to retreat out of Greece with 
all speed. 

The prudence of Themistocles and Aristides in this 
was afterwards more fully understood at the battle of 
Plataea, where Mardonius, with a very small fraction 
of the forces of Xerxes, put the Greeks in danger of 
losing all. 

Herodotus writes, that, of all the cities of Greece, 
yEgina was held to have performed the best service in 

[23] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



the war ; while all single men yielded to Themistocles, 
though, out of envy, unwillingly ; and when they returned 
to the entrance of Peloponnesus, where the several com- 
manders delivered their suffrages at the altar, to deter- 
mine who was most worthy, every one gave the first vote 
for himself and the second for Themistocles. 

The Lacedaemonians carried him with them to Sparta, 
where, giving the rewards of valor to Eurybiades, and of 
wisdom and conduct to Themistocles, they crowned him 
with olive, "presented him with the best chariot in the 
city, and sent three hundred young men to accompany 
him to the confines of their country. 

And at the next Olympic games, when Themistocles 
entered the course, the spectators took no farther notice 
of those who were contesting the prizes, but spent the 
whole day in looking upon him, showing him to the 
strangers, admiring him, and applauding him by clap- 
ping their hands, and other expressions of joy, so that he 
himself, much gratified, confessed to his friends that he 
then reaped the fruit of all his labors for the Greeks. 

He was, indeed, by nature, a great lover of honor, as 
is evident from the anecdotes recorded of him. When 
chosen admiral by the Athenians, he would not quite 
conclude any single matter of business, either public or 
private, but deferred all till the day they were to set sail, 
that, by despatching a great quantity of business all at 
once, and having to meet a great variety of people, he 
might make an appearance of greatness and power. 

Viewing the dead bodies cast up by the sea, he per- 
ceived bracelets and necklaces of gold about them, yet 

[24] 



THEMISTOCLES 



passed on, only showing them to a friend that followed 
him, saying, " Take you these things, for you are not 
Themistocles." He said to Antiphates, a handsome young 
man, who had formerly avoided, but now in his glory 
courted him, " Time, young man, has taught us both 
a lesson." 

He said that the Athenians did not honor him or 
admire him, but made, as it were, a sort of plane tree 
of him ; sheltered themselves under him in bad weather, 
and, as soon as it was fine, plucked his leaves and cut 
his branches. 

When the Seriphian told him that he had not obtained 
this honor by himself, but by the greatness of his city, 
he replied, " You speak truth ; I should never have been 
famous if I had been of Seriphus ; nor you, had you been 
of Athens." 

When another of the generals, who thought he had 
performed considerable service for the Athenians, boast- 
ingly compared his actions with those of Themistocles, he 
told him that once upon a time the Day after the Festival 
found fault with the Festival : " On you there is nothing 
but hurry and trouble and preparation, but, when I come, 
everybody sits down quietly and enjoys himself"; which 
the Festival admitted was true, but "if I had not come 
first, you would not have come at all." " Even so," he 
said, "if Themistocles had not come before, where had 
you been now ? " 

Laughing at his own son, who got his mother, and, 
by his mother's means, his father also, to indulge him, 
he told him that he had the most power of any one in 

[25] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



Greece : (t For the Athenians command the rest of Greece, 
I command the Athenians, your mother commands me, 
and you command your mother." 

Loving to be singular in all things, when he had land 
to sell, he ordered the crier to give notice that there were 
good neighbors near it. 

Of two who made love to his daughter, he preferred 
the man of worth to the one who was rich, saying he 
desired a man without riches, rather than riches without 
a man. 

Such was the character of his sayings. 

After these things, he began to rebuild and fortify 
the city of Athens, bribing, as Theopompus reports, the 
Lacedaemonian ephors not to be against it, but, as most 
relate it, overreaching and deceiving them. For, under 
pretext of an embassy, he went to Sparta, where, upon 
the Lacedaemonians charging him with rebuilding the 
walls, and Poliarchus coming on purpose from ^Egina to 
denounce it, he denied the fact, bidding them to send 
people to Athens to see whether it were so or no ; by 
which delay he got time for the building of the wall, 
and also placed these ambassadors in the hands of his 
countrymen as hostages for him ; and so, when the Lace- 
daemonians knew the truth, they did him no hurt, but, 
suppressing all display of their anger for the present, 
sent him away. 

Next he proceeded to establish the harbor of Piraeus, 
observing the great natural advantages of the locality, and 
desirous to unite the whole city with the sea, and to re- 
verse, in a manner, the policy of ancient Athenian kings, 

[26] 



THEMISTOCLES 



who, endeavoring to withdraw their subjects from the sea, 
and to accustom them to live, not by sailing about, but 
by planting and tilling the earth, spread the story of the 
dispute between Minerva and Neptune for the sovereignty 
of Athens, in which Minerva, by producing to the judges 
an olive tree, was declared to have won ; whereas Themis- 
tocles did not only knead up, as Aristophanes says, the 
port and the city into one, but made the city absolutely 
the dependent and the adjunct of the port, and the land 
of the sea, which increased the power and confidence of 
the people against the nobility ; the authority coming into 
the hands of sailors and boatswains and pilots. 

Thus it was one of the orders of the Thirty Tyrants, 
that the hustings in the assembly, which had faced 
towards the sea, should be turned round towards the 
land ; implying their opinion that the empire by sea 
had been the origin of the democracy, and that the 
farming population were not so much opposed to 
oligarchy. 

Themistocles, however, formed yet higher designs with 
a view to naval supremacy. For, after the departure of 
Xerxes, when the Grecian fleet was arrived at Pagasse, 
where they wintered, Themistocles, in a public oration to 
the people of Athens, told them that he had a design to 
perform something that would tend greatly to their inter- 
ests and safety, but was of such a nature, that it could 
not be made generally public. 

The Athenians ordered him to impart it to Aristides 
only ; and, if he approved of it, to put it in practice. 
And when Themistocles had discovered to him that his 

[27] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 

design was to burn the Grecian fleet in the haven of 
Pagasae, Aristides, coming out to the people, gave this 
report of the stratagem contrived by Themistocles, that 
no proposal could be more politic, or more dishonorable ; 
on which the Athenians commanded Themistocles to 
think no farther of it. 

When the Lacedaemonians proposed, at the general 
council of the Amphictyonians, that the representatives 
of those cities which were not in the league, nor had 
fought against the Persians, should be excluded, Themis- 
tocles, fearing that, the Thessalians, with those of Thebes, 
Argos, and others, being thrown out of the council, the 
Lacedaemonians would become wholly masters of the 
votes, and do what they pleased, supported the deputies 
of the cities, and prevailed with the members then sitting 
to alter their opinion in this point, showing them that 
there were but one and thirty cities which had partaken 
in the war, and that most of these, also, were very small ; 
how intolerable would it be, if the rest of Greece should 
be excluded, and the general council should come to be 
ruled by two or three great cities. 

By this, chiefly, he incurred the displeasure of the 
Lacedaemonians, whose honors and favors were now 
shown to Cimon, with a view of making him the 
opponent of the state policy of Themistocles. 

He was also burdensome to the confederates, sailing 
about the islands and collecting money from them. 
Herodotus says, that, requiring money of those of the 
island of Andros, he told them that he had brought with 
him two goddesses, Persuasion and Force ; and they 

[28] 



THEMISTOCLES 



answered him that they also had two great goddesses, 
which prohibited them from giving him any money, 
Poverty and Impossibility. 

When the citizens of Athens began to listen willingly 
to those who traduced and reproached him, he was forced, 
with somewhat obnoxious frequency, to put them in mind 
of the great services he had performed, and ask those 
who were offended with him whether they were weary 
with receiving benefits often from the same person, so 
rendering himself more odious. 

At length the Athenians banished him, making use 
of the ostracism to humble his eminence and authority, 
as they ordinarily did with all whom they thought too 
powerful, or, by their greatness, disproportionable to the 
equality thought requisite in a popular government. For 
the ostracism was instituted, not so much to punish the 
offender, as to mitigate and pacify the violence of the 
envious, who delighted to humble eminent men, and who, 
by fixing this disgrace upon them, might vent some part 
of their rancor. 

Themistocles being banished from Athens, while he 
stayed at Argos the detection of Pausanias happened, 
which gave such advantage to his enemies, that Leobotes 
indicted him of treason, the Spartans supporting him in 
the accusation. 

When Pausanias went about this treasonable design, he 
concealed it at first from Themistocles, though he were 
his intimate friend ; but when he saw him expelled out 
of the commonwealth, and how impatiently he took his 
banishment, he ventured to communicate it to him, and 

[29] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



desired his assistance, showing him the king of Persia's 
letters, and exasperating him against the Greeks, as a 
villainous, ungrateful people. 

However, Themistocles immediately rejected the pro- 
posals of Pausanias, and wholly refused to be a party in 
the enterprise, though he never revealed his communi- 
cations, nor disclosed the conspiracy to any man, either 
hoping that Pausanias would desist from his intentions, 
or expecting that so inconsiderate an attempt after such 
chimerical objects would be discovered by other means. 

After that Pausanias was put to death, letters and 
writings being found concerning this matter, which ren- 
dered Themistocles suspected, the Lacedaemonians were 
clamorous against him, and his enemies among the Athe- 
nians accused him ; when, being absent from Athens, he 
made his defence by letters, especially against the points 
that had been previously alleged against him. In answer 
to the malicious detractions of his enemies, he merely 
wrote to the citizens, urging that he who was always 
ambitious to govern, and not of a character or a disposi- 
tion to serve, would never sell himself and his country 
into slavery to a barbarous and hostile nation. 

Notwithstanding this, the people, being persuaded by 
his accusers, sent officers to take him and bring him 
away to be tried before a council of the Greeks, but, 
having timely notice of it, he passed over into the island 
of Corcyra, where the state was under obligations to 
him ; for, being chosen as arbitrator in a difference be- 
tween them and the Corinthians, he decided the contro- 
versy by ordering the Corinthians to pay down twenty 

[30] 



THEMISTOCLES 



talents, and declaring the town and island of Leucas a 
joint colony from both cities. 

From thence he fled into Epirus, and, the Athenians 
and Lacedaemonians still pursuing him, he threw himself 
upon chances of safety that seemed all but desperate. 
For he fled for refuge to Admetus, king of the Molos- 
sians, who had formerly made some request to the 
Athenians, when Themistocles was in the height of his 
authority, and had been disdainfully used and insulted by 
him, and had let it appear plain enough, that, could he 
lay hold of him, he would take his revenge. 

Yet in this misfortune, Themistocles, fearing the recent 
hatred of his neighbors and fellow citizens more than the 
old displeasure of the king, put himself at his mercy, and 
became an humble suppliant to Admetus, after a peculiar 
manner, different from the custom of other countries. 
For taking the king's son, who was then a child, in his 
arms, he laid himself down at his hearth, this being the 
most sacred and only manner of supplication, among the 
Molossians, which was not to be refused. 

And some say that his wife, Phthia, intimated to 
Themistocles this way of petitioning, and placed her 
young son with him before the hearth ; others, that 
king Admetus, that he might be under a religious obli- 
gation not to deliver him up to his pursuers, prepared 
and enacted with him a sort of stage play to this effect. 

At this time, Epicrates of Acharnae privately conveyed 
his wife and children out of Athens, and sent them 
hither, for which afterwards Cimon condemned him and 
put him to death, 

[31] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



Thucydides says, that, passing over land to the ^Egaean 
Sea, he took ship at Pydna in the bay of Therme, not 
being known to any one in the ship, till, being terrified 
to see the vessel driven by the winds near to Naxos, 
which was then besieged by the Athenians, he made 
himself known to the master and pilot, and, partly 
entreating them, partly threatening that if they went on 
shore he would accuse them, and make the Athenians to 
believe that they did not take him in out of ignorance, 
but that he had corrupted them with money from the 
beginning, he compelled them to bear off and stand out 
to sea, and sail forward towards the coast of Asia. 

A great part of his estate was privately conveyed aw T ay 
by his friends, and sent after him by sea into Asia ; 
besides which, there was discovered and confiscated to 
the value of fourscore talents, as Theophrastus writes ; 
Theopompus says an hundred ; though Themistocles was 
never worth three talents before he was concerned in 
public affairs. 

When he arrived at Cyme, and understood that all 
along the coast there were many laid wait for him (for 
the game was worth the hunting for such as were thank- 
ful to make money by any means, the king of Persia 
having offered by public proclamation two hundred talents 
to him that should take him), he fled to iEgae, a small 
city of the ^Eolians, where no one knew him but only 
his host Nicogenes, who was the richest man in yEolia, 
and well known to the great men of Inner Asia. 

While Themistocles lay hid for some days in his 
house, one night, after a sacrifice and supper ensuing, 

[32] 



THEMISTOCLES 



Olbius, the attendant upon Nicogenes's children, fell 
into a sort of frenzy and fit of inspiration, and cried 
out in verse, 

Night shall speak, and night instruct thee, 
By the voice of night conduct thee. 

After this, Themistocles, going to bed, dreamed that 
he saw a snake coil itself up upon his body, and so creep 
to his neck ; then, as soon as it touched his face, it turned 
into an eagle, which spread its wings over him, and took 
him up and flew away with him a great distance ; then 
there appeared a herald's golden wand, and upon this 
at last it set him down securely, after infinite terror and 
disturbance. 

His departure was effected by Nicogenes by the fol- 
lowing artifice; the barbarous nations, and amongst them 
the Persians especially, are extremely jealous, severe, and 
suspicious about their women, not only their wives, but 
also their bought slaves, whom they keep so strictly that 
no one ever sees them abroad ; they spend their lives 
shut up within doors, and, when they take a journey, are 
carried in close tents, curtained in on all sides, and set 
upon a wagon. Such a traveling carriage being prepared 
for Themistocles, they hid him in it, and carried him on 
his journey, and told those whom they met or spoke with 
upon the road that they were conveying a young Greek 
woman out of Ionia to a nobleman at court 

When Themistocles was come to the critical point, 
he applied himself first to Artabanus, commander of a 
thousand men, telling him that he was a Greek, and 

[33] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



desired to speak with the king about important affairs 
concerning which the king was extremely solicitous. 

Artabanus answered him, " O stranger, the laws of 
men are different, and one thing is honorable to one 
man, and to others another ; but it is honorable for all 
to honor and observe their own laws. It is the habit of 
the Greeks, we are told, to honor, above all things, liberty 
and equality ; but amongst our many excellent laws, we 
account this the most excellent, to honor the king, and to 
worship him, as the image of the great preserver of the 
universe ; if, then, you shall consent to our laws, and fall 
down before the king and worship him, you may both 
see him and speak to him ; but if your mind be other- 
wise, you must make use of others to intercede for you, 
for it is not the national custom here for the king to give 
audience to any one that doth not fall down before him." 

Themistocles, hearing this, replied, "Artabanus, I that 
come hither to increase the power and glory of the king, 
will not only submit myself to his laws, since so it hath 
pleased the god who exalteth the Persian empire to this 
greatness, but will also cause many more to be wor- 
shipers and adorers of the king. Let not this, therefore, 
be an impediment why I should not communicate to the 
king what I have to impart." 

Artabanus asking him, "Who must we tell him that 
you are ? for your words signify you to be no ordinary 
person," Themistocles answered, "No man, O Artabanus, 
must be informed of this before the king himself." 

When he was introduced to the king, and had paid 
his reverence to him, he stood silent, till the king 

[34] 



THEMISTOCLES 



commanding the interpreter to ask him who he was, 
he replied, " O king, I am Themistocles the Athenian, 
driven into banishment by the Greeks. The evils that 
I have done to the Persians are numerous ; but my 
benefits to them yet greater, in withholding the Greeks 
from pursuit, so soon as the deliverance of my own 
country allowed me to show kindness also to you. I 
come with a mind suited to my present calamities ; pre- 
pared alike for favors and for anger ; to welcome your 
gracious reconciliation, and to deprecate your wrath. 
Take my own countrymen for witnesses of the services 
I have done for Persia, and make use of this occasion to 
show the world your virtue, rather than to satisfy your in- 
dignation. If you save me, you will save your suppliant ; 
if otherwise, you will destroy an enemy of the Greeks. " 

He talked also of divine admonitions, such as the 
vision which he saw at Nicogenes's house, and the 
direction given him by the oracle of Dodona, where 
Jupiter commanded him to go to him that had a name 
like his, by which he understood that he was sent from 
Jupiter to him, seeing that they both were great, and 
had the name of kings. 

The king heard him attentively, and, though he ad- 
mired his temper and courage, gave him no answer at 
that time ; but, when he was with his intimate friends, 
rejoiced in his great good fortune, and esteemed himself 
very happy in this, and prayed to his god Arimanius, 
that all his enemies might be ever of the same mind 
with the Greeks, to abuse and expel the bravest men 
amongst them. Then he sacrificed to the gods, and 

[35] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 

presently fell to drinking, and was so well pleased, that 
in the night, in the middle of his sleep, he cried out for 
joy three times, " I have Themistocles the Athenian." 

In the morning, calling together the chief of his court, 
he had Themistocles brought before him, who expected 
no good of it, when he saw, for example, the guards 
fiercely set against him as soon as they learnt his name, 
and giving him ill language. 

As he came forward towards the king, who was seated, 
the rest keeping silence, passing by Roxanes, a com- 
mander of a thousand men, he heard him, with a slight 
groan, say, without stirring out of his place, "You subtle 
Greek serpent, the king's good genius hath brought thee 
hither." 

Yet, when he came into the presence, and again fell 
down, the king saluted him, and spake to him kindly, 
telling him he was now indebted to him two hundred 
talents ; for it was just and reasonable that he should 
receive the reward which was proposed to whosoever 
should bring Themistocles; and promising much more, 
and encouraging him, he commanded him to speak freely 
what he would concerning the affairs of Greece. 

Themistocles replied, that a man's discourse was like 
to a rich Persian carpet, the beautiful figures and 
patterns of which can only be shown by spreading 
and extending it out ; when it is contracted and folded 
up, they are obscured and lost ; and, therefore, he 
desired time. 

The king being pleased with the comparison, and 
bidding him take what time he would, he desired a year ; 

[-5*3 



THEMISTOCLES 



in which time, having learnt the Persian language suffi- 
ciently, he spoke with the king by himself without the 
help of an interpreter, it being supposed that he dis- 
coursed only about the affairs of Greece ; but there hap- 
pening, at the same time, great alterations at court, and 
removals of the king's favorites, he drew upon himself 
the envy of the great people, who imagined that he had 
taken the boldness to speak concerning them. For the 
favors shown to other strangers were nothing in com- 
parison with the honors conferred on him ; the king 
invited him to partake of his own pastimes and recre- 
ations both at home and abroad, carrying him with him 
a hunting, . and made him his intimate so far that he 
permitted him to see the queen mother, and converse 
frequently with her. By the king's command, he also 
was made acquainted with the Magian learning. 

When Demaratus the Lacedaemonian, being ordered by 
the king to ask whatsoever he pleased, and it should im- 
mediately be granted him, desired that he might make 
his public entrance, and be carried in state through the 
city of Sardis, with the tiara set in the royal manner 
upon his head, Mithropaustes, cousin to the king, touched 
him on the head, and told him he had no brains for the 
royal tiara to cover, and if Jupiter should give him his 
lightning and thunder, he would not any the more be 
Jupiter for that; the king also repulsed him with anger, 
resolving never to be reconciled to him, but to be inex- 
orable to all supplications on his behalf. 

Yet Themistocles pacified him, and prevailed with him 
to forgive him. 

[37] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



And it is reported, that the succeeding kings, in 
whose reigns there was a greater communication between 
the Greeks and Persians, when they invited any consider- 
able Greek into their service, to encourage him, would 
write, and promise him that he should be as great with 
them as Themistocles had been. 

They relate, also, how Themistocles, when he was in 
great prosperity, and courted by many, seeing himself 
splendidly served at his table, turned to his children and 
said, " Children, we had been undone if we had not 
been undone." 

Most writers say that he had three cities given him, 
Magnesia, Myus, and Lampsacus, to maintain him in 
bread, meat, and wine. Neanthes of Cyzicus, and 
Phanias, add two more, the city of Palaescepsis, to pro- 
vide him with clothes, and Percote, with bedding and 
furniture for his house. 

As he was going down towards the seacoast to take 
measures against Greece, a Persian whose name was 
Epixyes, governor of the upper Phrygia, laid wait to 
kill him, having for that purpose provided a long time 
before a number of Pisidians, who were to set upon 
him when he should stop to rest at a city that is called 
Lion's-head. 

But Themistocles, sleeping in the middle of the day, 
saw the Mother of the gods appear to him in a dream 
and say unto him, " Themistocles, keep back from the 
Lion's-head, for fear you fall into the lion's jaws ; for 
this advice I expect that your daughter Mnesiptolema 
should be my servant." 

[38] 



THEMISTOCLES 



Themistocles was much astonished, and, when he had 
made his vows to the goddess, left the broad road, and, 
making a circuit, went another way, changing his intended 
station to avoid that place, and at night took up his rest 
in the fields. 

But one of the sumpter horses, which carried the 
furniture for his tent, having fallen that day into the 
river, his servants spread out the tapestry, which was 
wet, and hung it up to dry ; in the mean time the 
Pisidians made towards them with their swords drawn, 
and, not discerning exactly by the moon what it was that 
was stretched out, thought it to be the tent of Themis- 
tocles, and that they should find him resting himself 
within it ; but when they came near, and lifted up the 
hangings, those who watched there fell upon them and 
took them. 

Themistocles, having escaped this great danger, in ad- 
miration of the goodness of the goddess that appeared 
to him, built, in memory of it, a temple in the city of 
Magnesia, which he dedicated to Dindymene, . Mother 
of the gods, in which he consecrated and devoted his 
daughter Mnesiptolema to her service. 

When he came to Sardis, he visited the temples of 
the gods, and observing, at his leisure, their buildings, 
ornaments, and the number of their offerings, he saw 
in the temple of the Mother of the gods, the statue 
of a virgin in brass, two cubits high, called the water 
bringer. 

Themistocles had caused this to be made and set up 
when he was surveyor of waters at Athens, out of the 

[39] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



fines of those whom he detected in drawing off and 
diverting the public water by pipes for their private use ; 
and whether he had some regret to see this image in 
captivity, or was desirous to let the Athenians see in 
what great credit and authority he was with the king, he 
entered into a treaty with the governor of Lydia to per- 
suade him to send this statue back to Athens, which so 
enraged the Persian officer, that he told him he would 
write the king word of it. 

Themistocles, being affrighted hereat, got access to his 
wives, by presents of money to whom, he appeased the 
fury of the governor ; and afterwards behaved with more 
reserve and circumspection, fearing the envy of the 
Persians, and did not, as Theopompus writes, continue 
to travel about Asia, but lived quietly in his own house 
in Magnesia, where for a long time he passed his days 
in great security, being courted by all, and enjoying rich 
presents, and honored equally with the greatest persons 
in the Persian empire ; the king, at that time, not mind- 
ing his concerns with Greece, being taken up with the 
affairs of Inner Asia. 

But when Egypt revolted, being assisted by the Athe- 
nians, and the Greek galleys roved about as far as Cyprus 
and Cilicia, and Cimon had made himself master of the 
seas, the king turned his thoughts thither, and, bending 
his mind chiefly to resist the Greeks, and to check the 
growth of their power against him, began to raise forces, 
and send out commanders, and to despatch messengers 
to Themistocles at Magnesia, to put him in mind of his 
promise, and to summon him to act against the Greeks. 

[40] 



THEMISTOCLES 



Yet this did not increase his hatred nor exasperate 
him against the Athenians, neither was he any way ele- 
vated with the thoughts of the honor and powerful com- 
mand he was to have in this war ; but judging, perhaps, 
that the object would not be attained, the Greeks having 
at that time, beside other great commanders, Cimon, in 
particular, who was gaining wonderful military successes; 
but chiefly, being ashamed to sully the glory of his former 
great actions, and of his many victories and trophies, he 
determined to put a conclusion to his life, agreeable to 
its previous course. He sacrificed to the gods, and in- 
vited his friends ; and, having entertained them and 
shaken hands with them, drank bull's blood, as is the 
usual story ; as others state, a poison producing instant 
death ; and ended his days in the city of Magnesia, 
having lived sixty-five years, most of which he had spent 
in politics and in the wars, in government and command. 
The king, being informed of the cause and manner of 
his death, admired him more than ever, and continued 
to show kindness to his friends and relations. 



[4i] 



[43] 




PERICLES 



PERICLES 



INTRODUCTION 

AFTER the banishment of Themistocles the war 
with Persia continued for a few years, but the 
JL ja. Persians never ventured back to Greece. And 
now, by the victories at Marathon and Salamis, and by 
the leading part the Athenians had taken all through the 
war, Athens had gained great glory, and came to be looked 
up to quite as much as Sparta, as the head of the Grecian 
states. The cities of the mainland still followed Sparta ; 
but the islands and maritime towns gathered themselves 
into a league, and made Athens the head of it. 

The place of meeting for the league, and its treasury, 
were in Delos, a small island of the ^Egean Sea, and the 
league was called the Confederacy of Delos ; but it was 
under the control of Athens. 

Athens now became rich and powerful, carried on wars 
(some of them very unjust) in many parts, and built mag- 
nificent temples, adorning them with beautiful sculpture 
and painting. It was the most splendid period of art that 
the world has ever known ; and because the most influ- 
ential citizen of Athens was named Pericles, this period 
of Athenian prosperity is called the Age of Pericles. 



[45] 



PERICLES 



ERICLES was of the noblest birth, both on his 
father's and mother's side. The master that taught 
him music, most authors are agreed, was Damon. 
He, it is not unlikely, being a Sophist, out of policy, 
sheltered himself under the profession of music to con- 
ceal from people in general his skill in other things, 
and under this pretence attended Pericles, the young 
athlete of politics, so to say, as his training master in 
these exercises. 

Damon's lyre, however, did not prove altogether a suc- 
cessful blind ; he was banished the country by ostracism 
for ten years, as a dangerous intermeddler and a favorer 
of arbitrary power. 

Pericles, also, was a hearer of Zeno, who treated of 
natural philosophy, but had also perfected himself in an 
art of his own for refuting and silencing opponents in 
argument. 

But he that saw most of Pericles, and furnished him 
most especially with a weight and grandeur of sense, 
superior to all arts of popularity, and in general gave him 
his elevation and sublimity of purpose and of character, 
was Anaxagoras. 

For this man, Pericles entertained an extraordinary 
esteem and admiration, and filling himself with this 

[46] 




PERICLES 



lofty, and, as they call it, up-in-the-air sort of thought, 
derived hence not merely, as was natural, elevation of 
purpose and dignity of language, raised far above the 
base and dishonest buffooneries of mob eloquence, but, 
besides this, a composure of countenance, and a serenity 
and calmness in all his movements, which no occurrence 
whilst he was speaking could disturb, a sustained and even 
tone of voice, and various other advantages of a similar 
kind, which produced the greatest effect on his hearers. 

Once, after being reviled and ill spoken of all day 
long in his own hearing by some vile and abandoned 
fellow in the open market place, where he was engaged 
in the despatch of some urgent affair, he continued his 
business in perfect silence, and in the evening returned 
home composedly, the man still dogging him at the 
heels, and pelting him all the way with abuse and 'foul 
language ; and stepping into his house, it being by this 
time dark, he ordered one of his servants to take a light, 
and go along with the man and see him safe home. 

Ion, it is true, the dramatic poet, says that Pericles's 
manner in company was somewhat overassuming and 
pompous ; and that into his high bearing there entered 
a good deal of slightingness and scorn of others ; he 
reserves his commendation for Cimon's ease and pliancy 
and natural grace in society. 

Zeno used to bid those who called Pericles' s gravity the 
affectation of a charlatan, to go and affect the like them- 
selves ; inasmuch as this mere counterfeiting might in 
time insensibly instill into them a real love and knowledge 
of those noble qualities. 

[47] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



Nor were these the only advantages which Pericles 
derived from Anaxagoras's acquaintance ; he seems also 
to have become, by his instructions, superior to that 
superstition with which an ignorant wonder at appear- 
ances, for example, in the heavens, possesses the minds 
of people unacquainted with their causes, eager for the 
supernatural, and excitable through an inexperience 
which the knowledge of natural causes removes, re- 
placing wild and timid superstition by the good hope 
and assurance of an intelligent piety. 

Pericles, while yet but a young man, stood in con- 
siderable apprehension of the people, as he was thought 
in face and figure to be very like the tyrant Pisistratus, 
and those of great age remarked upon the sweetness of 
his voice, and his volubility and rapidity in speaking, and 
were struck with amazement at the resemblance. 

Reflecting, too, that he had a considerable estate, and 
was descended of a noble family, and had friends of 
great influence, he was fearful all this might bring him 
to be banished as a dangerous person ; and for this 
reason meddled not at all with state affairs, but in mili- 
tary service showed himself of a brave and intrepid 
nature. 

But when Aristides was now dead, and Themistocles 
driven out, and Cimon was for the most part kept 
abroad by the expeditions he made in parts out of 
Greece, Pericles, seeing things in this posture, now 
advanced and took his side, not with the rich and few, 
but with the many and poor, contrary to his natural 
bent, which was far from democratical ; but, most likely, 

[48] 



PERICLES 



fearing he might fall under suspicion of aiming at 
arbitrary power, and seeing Cimon on the side of the 
aristocracy, and much beloved by the better and more 
distinguished people, he joined the party of the people, 
with a view at once both to secure himself and procure 
means against Cimon. 

He immediately entered, also, on quite a new course of 
life and management of his time. For he was never 
seen to walk in any street but that which led to the 
market place and the council hall, and he avoided invi- 
tations of friends to supper, and all friendly visiting and 
intercourse whatever ; in all the time he had to do with 
the public, which was not a little, with one exception, he 
was never known to have gone to any of his friends to 
a supper. For these friendly meetings are very quick to 
defeat any assumed superiority, and in intimate familiarity 
an exterior of gravity is hard to maintain. 

Real excellence, indeed, is most recognized when most 
openly looked into ; and in really good men, nothing 
which meets the eyes of external observers so truly 
deserves their admiration as their daily common life does 
that of their nearer friends. Pericles, however, to avoid 
any feeling of commonness, or any satiety on the part of 
the people, presented himself at intervals only, not speak- 
ing to every business, nor at all times coming into the 
assembly, but reserving himself for great occasions, while 
matters of lesser importance were despatched by friends 
or other speakers under his direction. 

The style of speaking most consonant to his form of 
life and the dignity of his views he found, so to say, in 

[49] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



the tones of that instrument with which Anaxagoras had 
furnished him ; of his teaching he continually availed 
himself, and deepened the colors of rhetoric with the 
dye of natural science. For having, in addition to his 
great natural genius, attained, by the study of nature, to 
use the words of the divine Plato, this height of intelli- 
gence, and this universal consummating power, and draw- 
ing hence whatever might be of advantage to him in the 
art of speaking, he showed himself far superior to all 
others. Upon which account, they say, he had his nick- 
name given him, though some are of opinion he was 
named the Olympian from the public buildings with which 
he adorned the city ; and others again, from his great 
power in public affairs, whether of war or peace. Nor is 
it unlikely that the confluence of many attributes may 
have conferred it on him. However, the comedies repre- 
sented at the time, which, both in good earnest and in 
merriment, let fly many hard words at him, plainly show 
that he got that appellation especially from his speaking ; 
they speak of his " thundering and lightning" when he 
harangued the people, and of his wielding a dreadful 
thunderbolt in his tongue. 

A saying also of Thucydides, the son of Melesias, 
stands on record, spoken by him by way of pleasantry 
upon Pericles's dexterity. Thucydides was one of the 
noble and distinguished citizens, and had been his greatest 
opponent ; and, when Archidamus, the king of the Lace- 
daemonians, asked him whether he or Pericles were the 
better wrestler, he made this answer: "When I," said 
he, " have thrown him and given him a fair fall, by 

[50] 



PERICLES 



persisting that he had no fall, he gets the better of me, 
and makes the bystanders, in spite of their own eyes, 
believe him." 

The truth, however, is, that Pericles himself was very 
careful what and how he was to speak, insomuch that, 
whenever he went up to the hustings, he prayed the gods 
that no one word might unawares slip from him unsuitable 
to the matter and the occasion. 

He has left nothing in writing behind him, except 
some decrees ; and there are but very few of his sayings 
recorded. When on a time Sophocles, who was his fellow 
commissioner in the generalship, was going on board with 
him, and praised the beauty of a youth they met with in 
the way to the ship, "Sophocles," said he, "a general 
ought not only to have clean hands, but also clean eyes." 
In his encomium on those who fell in battle at Samos, 
he said they were become immortal, as the gods were. 
"For," said he, "we do not see them themselves, but 
only by the honors we pay them, and by the benefits they 
do us, attribute to them immortality ; and the like attri- 
butes belong also to those that die in the service of their 
country." 

Thucydides describes the rule of Pericles as an aristo- 
cratical government, that went by the name of a democracy, 
but was, indeed, the supremacy of a single great man. 
Many others say, on the contrary, that the common people 
were first encouraged and led on by him to such evils as 
appropriations of subject territory, allowances for attend- 
ing theaters, payments for performing public duties, and 
by these bad habits were, under the influence of his 

[5*] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 

public measures, changed from a sober, thrifty people, that 
maintained themselves by their own labors, to lovers of 
expense, intemperance, and license. Let us, however, 
examine the cause of this change by the actual matters 
of fact. 

At the first, as has been said, when Pericles set him- 
self against Cimon's great authority, he did caress the 
people. Finding himself come short of his competitor in 
wealth and money, by which advantages the other was 
enabled to take care of the poor, inviting every day some 
one or other of the citizens that was in want to supper, 
and bestowing clothes on the aged people, and breaking 
down the hedges and enclosures of his grounds, that all 
that w 7 ould might freely gather what fruit they pleased, 
Pericles, thus outdone in popular arts, by the advice of 
one Damonides, as Aristotle states, turned to the distribu- 
tion of the public moneys ; and in a short time having 
bought the people over, what with moneys allowed for 
shows and for service on juries, and what with other 
forms of pay and largess, he made use of them against 
the council of Areopagus, of which he himself was no 
member, as having never been appointed by lot either 
chief archon, or lawgiver, or king, or captain. For from 
of old these offices were conferred on persons by lot, and 
they who had acquitted themselves duly in the discharge 
of them were advanced to the court of Areopagus. 

And so Pericles, having secured his power and interest 
with the populace, directed the exertions of his party 
against this council with such success, that most of those 
causes and matters which had been used to be tried there, 



PERICLES 



were removed from its cognizance ; Cimon, also, was ban- 
ished by ostracism as a favorer of the Lacedaemonians and 
a hater of the people, though in wealth and noble birth he 
was among the first, and had won several most glorious 
victories over the barbarians, and had filled the city with 
money and spoils of war ; as is recorded in the history of 
his life. So vast an authority had Pericles obtained among 
the people. 

The ostracism was limited by law to ten years ; but the 
Lacedaemonians, in the mean time, entering with a great 
army into the territory of Tanagra, and the Athenians 
going out against them, Cimon, coming from his banish- 
ment before his time was out, put himself in arms and 
array with those of his fellow citizens that were of his own 
tribe, and desired by his deeds to wipe off the suspicion 
of his favoring the Lacedaemonians, by venturing his own 
person along with his countrymen. But Pericles's friends, 
gathering in a body, forced him to retire as a banished 
man. For which cause also Pericles seems to have exerted 
himself more in that than in any battle, and to have been 
conspicuous above all for his exposure of himself to dan- 
ger. All Cimon's friends, also, to a man, fell together 
side by side, whom Pericles had accused with him of 
taking part with the Lacedaemonians. 

Defeated in this battle on their own frontiers, and ex- 
pecting a new and perilous attack with return of spring, 
the Athenians now felt regret and sorrow for the loss of 
Cimon, and repentance for their expulsion of him. Pericles, 
being sensible of their feelings, did not hesitate or delay to 
gratify it, and himself made the motion for recalling him 

[53] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



home. He, upon his return, concluded a peace betwixt the 
two cities ; for the Lacedaemonians entertained as kindly 
feelings towards him as they did the reverse towards Pericles 
and the other popular leaders. 

Yet some there are who say that Pericles did not pro- 
pose the order for Cimon's return till some private articles 
of agreement had been made between them, and this by 
means of Elpinice, Cimon's sister; that Cimon, namely, 
should go out to sea with a fleet of two hundred ships, and 
be commander in chief abroad, with a design to reduce 
the king of Persia's territories, and that Pericles should 
have the power at home. 

This Elpinice, it was thought, had before this time pro- 
cured some favor for her brother Cimon at Pericles's hands, 
and induced him to be more remiss and gentle in urging 
the charge when Cimon was tried for his life ; for Pericles 
was one of the committee appointed by the commons to 
plead against him. And when Elpinice came and besought 
him in her brother's behalf, he answered, with a smile, 
" O Elpinice, you are too old a woman to undertake such 
business as this." But, when he appeared to impeach him, 
he stood up but once to speak, merely to acquit himself 
of his commission, and went out of court, having done 
Cimon the least prejudice of any of his accusers. 

Cimon, while he was admiral, ended his days in the isle 
of Cyprus. And the aristocratical party, seeing that Peri- 
cles was already before this grown to be the greatest and 
foremost man of all the city, but nevertheless wishing there 
should be somebody set up against him, to blunt and turn 
the edge of his power, that it might not altogether prove a 

[54] 



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monarchy, put forward Thucydides of Alopece, a discreet 
person, and- a near kinsman of Cimon's, to conduct the 
opposition against him ; who, indeed, though less skilled in 
warlike affairs than Cimon was, yet was better versed in 
speaking and political business, and keeping close guard 
in the city, and engaging with Pericles on the hustings, in 
a short time brought the government to an equality of par- 
ties. For he would not suffer those who were called the 
honest and good (persons of worth and distinction) to be 
scattered up and down and mix themselves and be lost 
among the populace, as formerly, diminishing and obscur- 
ing their superiority amongst the masses ; but taking them 
apart by themselves and uniting them in one body, by their 
combined weight he was able, as it were upon the balance, 
to make a counterpoise to the other party. 

For, indeed, there was from the beginning a sort of con- 
cealed split, or seam, as it might be in a piece of iron, 
marking the different popular and aristocratical tendencies ; 
but the open rivalry and contention of these two opponents 
made the gash deep, and severed the city into the two 
parties of the people and the few. 

And so Pericles, at that time more than at any other, 
let loose the reins to the people, and made his policy 
subservient to their pleasure, contriving continually to 
have some great public show or solemnity, some ban- 
quet, or some procession or other in the town to please 
them, coaxing his countrymen like children, with such 
delights and pleasures as were not, however, unedifying. 

Besides that every year he sent out threescore galleys, 
on board of which there went numbers of the citizens, 

[55] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



who were in pay eight months, learning at the same time 
and practising the art of seamanship. 

He sent, moreover, a thousand of them into the Cher- 
sonese as planters, to share the land among them by lot, 
and five hundred more into the isle of Naxos, and half 
that number to Andros, a thousand into Thrace, and others 
into Italy. And this he did to ease and discharge the city 
of an idle, and, by reason of their idleness, a busy, med- 
dling crowd of people ; and at the same time to meet the 
necessities and restore the fortunes of the poor townsmen, 
and to intimidate, also, and check their allies from attempt- 
ing any change, by posting such garrisons, as it were, in 
the midst of them. 

That which gave most pleasure and ornament to the 
city of Athens, and the greatest admiration and even 
astonishment to all strangers, and that w T hich now 7 is 
Greece's only evidence that the power she boasts of and 
her ancient w r ealth are no romance or idle story 7 , was his 
constructions of the public and sacred buildings. 

Yet this was that of all his actions in the government 
which his enemies most looked askance upon and caviled 
at in the popular assemblies, crying out how 7 that the 
commonwealth of Athens had lost its reputation and was 
ill spoken of abroad for removing the common treasure 
of the Greeks from the isle of Delos into their own cus- 
tody ; and how that their fairest excuse for so doing, 
namely, that they took it aw 7 ay for fear the barbarians 
should seize it, and on purpose to secure it in a safe 
place, this Pericles had made unavailable, and how that 
" Greece cannot but resent it as an insufferable affront, 

[56] 



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and consider herself to be tyrannized over openly, when 
she sees the treasure, which was contributed by her upon 
a necessity for the war, wantonly lavished out by us upon 
our city, to gild her all over, and to adorn and set her 
forth, as it were some vain woman, hung round with 
precious stones and figures and temples, which cost a 
world of money." 

Pericles, on the other hand, informed the people, that 
they were in no way obliged to give any account of those 
moneys to their allies, so long as they maintained their 
defence, and kept off the barbarians from attacking them ; 
while in the mean time they did not so much as supply 
one horse or man or ship, but only found money for the 
service; "which money," said he, " is not theirs that 
give it, but theirs that receive it, if so be they perform 
the conditions upon which they receive it." And that it 
was good reason, that, now the city was sufficiently pro- 
vided and stored with all things necessary for the w T ar, 
they should convert the overplus of its wealth to such 
undertakings, as would hereafter, when completed, give 
them eternal honor, and, for the present, while in process, 
freely supply all the inhabitants with plenty. With their 
variety of workmanship and of occasions for service, which 
summon all arts and trades and require all hands to be 
employed about them, they do actually put the whole city, 
in a manner, into state pay ; while at the same time she 
is both beautified and maintained by herself. For as 
those who are of age and strength for war are provided 
for and maintained in the armaments abroad by their 
pay out of the public stock, so, it being his desire and 

[57] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 

design that the undisciplined mechanic multitude that 
stayed at home should not go without their share of pub- 
lic salaries, and yet should not have them given them for 
sitting still and doing nothing, to that end he thought 
fit to bring in among them, with the approbation of the 
people, these vast projects of buildings and designs of 
works, that would be of some continuance before they 
were finished, and would give employment to numerous 
arts, so that the part of the people that stayed at home 
might, no less than those that were at sea or in garri- 
sons or on expeditions, have a fair and just occasion 
of receiving the benefit and having their share of the 
public moneys. 

The materials were stone, brass, ivory, gold, ebony, 
cypress wood ; and the arts or trades that wrought and 
fashioned them were smiths and carpenters, moulders, 
founders and braziers, stonecutters, dyers, goldsmiths, 
ivory workers, painters, embroiderers, turners ; those again 
that conveyed them to the town for use, merchants and 
mariners and shipmasters by sea, and by land, cartwrights, 
cattle breeders, wagoners, ropemakers, flax workers, shoe- 
makers and leather dressers, road makers, miners. And 
every trade in the same nature, as a captain in an army 
has his particular company of soldiers under him, had its 
own hired company of journeymen and laborers belonging 
to it banded together as in array, to be as it were the 
instrument and body for the performance of the service. 
Thus, to say all in a word, the occasions and services of 
these public works distributed plenty through every age 
and condition, 

[58] 



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As then grew the works up, no less stately in size 
than exquisite in form, the workmen striving to outvie the 
material and the design with the beauty of their work- 
manship, yet the most wonderful thing of all was the 
rapidity of their execution. Undertakings, any one of 
which singly might have required, they thought, for their 
completion, several successions and ages of men, were 
every one of them accomplished in the height and prime 
of one man's political service. Although they say, too, 
that Zeuxis once, having heard a painter boast of des- 
patching his work with speed and ease, replied, " I take 
a long time." For ease and speed in doing a thing do 
not give the work lasting solidity or exactness of beauty ; 
the expenditure of time allowed to a man's pains before- 
hand for the production of a thing is repaid by way of 
interest with a vital force for its preservation when once 
produced. For which reason Pericles's works are espe- 
cially admired, as having been made quickly, to last long. 
For every particular piece of his work was immediately, 
even at that time, for its beauty and elegance, antique ; 
and yet in its vigor and freshness looks to this day as if 
it were just executed. There is a sort of bloom of new- 
ness upon those works of his, preserving them from the 
touch of time, as if they had some perennial spirit and 
undying vitality mingled in the composition of them. 

Phidias had the oversight of all the works, and was 
surveyor-general, though upon the various portions other 
great masters and workmen were employed. 

It is a very difficult matter to trace and find out, the 
truth of anything by history. On the one hand, those who 

[59] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 

afterwards write it find long periods of time intercepting 
their view, and, on the other hand, the contemporary 
records of any actions and lives, partly through envy and 
ill will, partly through favor and flattery, pervert and 
distort truth. 

When the orators, who sided with Thucydides and his 
party, were at one time crying out, as their custom was, 
against Pericles, as one who squandered away the public 
money, and made havoc of the state revenues, he rose in 
the open assembly and put the question to the people, 
whether they thought that he had laid out much ; and 
they saying, " Too much, a great deal," " Then," said he, 
" since it is so, let the cost not go to your account but 
to mine ; and let the inscription upon the buildings stand 
in my name." 

When they heard him say thus, whether it were out 
of a surprise to see the greatness of his spirit, or out of 
emulation of the glory of the works, they cried aloud, 
bidding him to spend on, and lay out what he thought 
fit from the public purse, and to spare no cost, till all 
were finished. 

At length, coming to a final contest with Thucydides, 
which of the two should ostracize the other out of the 
country, and having gone through this peril, he threw his 
antagonist out, and broke up the confederacy that had 
been organized against him. So that now all schism and 
division being at an end, and the city brought to evenness 
and unity, he got all Athens and all affairs that pertained 
to the Athenians into his own hands, their tributes, their 
armies, and their galleys, the islands, the sea, and their 

[60] 



PERICLES 



wide-extended power, partly over other Greeks and partly 
over barbarians, and all that empire, which they possessed, 
founded and fortified upon subject nations and royal 
friendships and alliances. 

After this he was no longer the same man he had been 
before, nor as tame and gentle and familiar as formerly 
with the populace, so as readily to yield to their pleasures 
and to comply with the desires of the multitude, as a 
steersman shifts with the winds. Quitting that loose, re- 
miss, and, in some cases, licentious court of the popular 
will, he turned those soft and flowery modulations to the 
austerity of aristocratical and regal rule ; and employing 
this uprightly and undeviatingly for the country's best 
interests, he was able generally to lead the people along, 
with their own wills and consents, by persuading and 
showing them what was to be done ; and sometimes, 
too, urging and pressing them forward extremely against 
their will, he made them, whether they would or no, yield 
submission to what was for their advantage. 

In which, to say the truth, he did but like a skillful 
physician, who, in a complicated and chronic disease, as 
he sees occasion, at one while allows his patient the 
moderate use of such things as please him, at another 
while gives him keen pains and drugs to work the cure. 
For there arising and growing up, as was natural, all 
manner of distempered feelings among a people which had 
so vast a command and dominion, he alone, as a great 
master, knowing how to handle and deal fitly with each 
one of them, and, in an especial manner, making that 
use of hopes and fears, as his two chief rudders, with the 

[61] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



one to check the career of their confidence at any time, 
with the other to raise them up and cheer them when 
under any discouragement, plainly showed by this, that 
rhetoric, or the art of speaking, is, in Plato's language, 
the government of the souls of men, and that her chief 
business is to address the affections and passions, which 
are as it were the strings and keys to the soul, and 
require a skillful and careful touch to be played on as 
they should be. 

The source of this predominance was not barely his 
power of language, but, as Thucydides assures us, the 
reputation of his life, and the confidence felt in his char- 
acter ; his manifest freedom from every kind of corruption, 
and superiority to all considerations of money. Notwith- 
standing he had made the city Athens, which was great of 
itself, as great and rich as can be imagined, and though 
he were himself in power and interest more than equal 
to many kings and absolute rulers, who some of them also 
bequeathed by will their power to their children, he, for 
his part, did not make the patrimony his father left him 
greater than it was by one drachma. 

Nor was all this the luck of some happy occasion ; 
nor was it the mere bloom and grace of a policy that 
flourished for a season ; but having for forty years to- 
gether maintained the first place among statesmen, after 
the defeat and banishment of Thucydides, for no less 
than fifteen years longer, in the exercise of one continu- 
ous unintermitted command in the office of general, to 
which he was annually reelected, he preserved his integrity 
unspotted ; though otherwise he was not altogether idle 

[62] 



PERICLES 



or careless in looking after his pecuniary advantage ; his 
paternal estate, which of right belonged to him, he so 
ordered that it might neither through negligence be 
wasted or lessened, nor yet, being so full of business as 
he was, cost him any great trouble or time with taking 
care of it ; and put it into such a way of management 
as he thought to be the most easy for himself, and the 
most exact. 

All his yearly products and profits he sold together 
in a lump, and supplied his household needs afterward 
by buying everything that he or his family wanted out 
of the market. Upon which account, his children, when 
they grew to age, were not well pleased with his manage- 
ment, and the women that lived with him were treated 
with little cost, and complained of this way of house- 
keeping, where everything was ordered and set down 
from day to day, and reduced to the greatest exactness ; 
since there was not there, as is usual in a great family 
and a plentiful estate, anything to spare, or over and above ; 
but all that went out or came in, all disbursements and all 
receipts, proceeded as it were by number and measure. 

All this, in truth, was very little in harmony with 
Anaxagoras's wisdom ; if, indeed, it be true that he, by 
a kind of divine impulse and greatness of spirit, volun- 
tarily quitted his house, and left his land to lie fallow and 
to be grazed by sheep like a common. But the life of 
a contemplative philosopher and that of an active states- 
man are, I presume, not the same thing ; for the one 
merely employs, upon great and good objects of thought, 
an intelligence that requires no aid of instruments nor 

• [63] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



supply of any external materials ; whereas the other, who 
tempers and applies his virtue to human uses, may have 
occasion for affluence, not as a matter of mere necessity, 
but as a noble thing ; which was Pericles 's case, who 
relieved numerous poor citizens. 

However, there is a story, that Anaxagoras himself, 
while Pericles was taken up with public affairs, lay 
neglected, and that, now being grown old, he wrapped 
himself up with a resolution to die for want of food ; 
which being by chance brought to Pericles's ear, he was 
horror-struck, and instantly ran thither, and used all the 
arguments and entreaties he could to him, lamenting not 
so much Anaxagoras's condition as his own, should he 
lose such a counselor as he had found him to be ; and 
that, upon this, Anaxagoras unfolded his robe, and show- 
ing himself, made answer: "Pericles," said he, "even 
those who have occasion for a lamp supply it with oil." 

In his military conduct, he gained a great reputation 
for wariness ; he would not by his good will engage in 
any fight which had much uncertainty or hazard ; he did 
not envy the glory of generals whose rash adventures 
fortune favored with brilliant success, however they were 
admired by others ; nor did he think them worthy his 
imitation, but always used to say to his citizens that, so 
far as lay in his power, they should continue immortal, 
and live forever. 

Seeing Tolmides, upon the confidence of his former 
successes, and flushed with the honor his military actions 
had procured him, making preparation to attack the 
Boeotians in their own country, when there was no likely 

[64] 



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opportunity, and that he had prevailed with the bravest 
and most enterprising of the youth to enlist themselves 
as volunteers in the service, who besides his other force 
made up a thousand, he endeavored to withhold him and 
to advise him from it in the public assembly, telling him 
in a memorable saying of his, which still goes about, that, 
if he would not take Pericles's advice, yet he would not 
do amiss to wait and be ruled by time, the wisest coun- 
selor of all. 

This saying, at that time, was but slightly commended ; 
but within a few days after, when news was brought that 
Tolmides himself had been defeated and slain in battle 
near Coronea, and that many brave citizens had fallen 
with him, it gained him great repute as well as good 
will among the people, for wisdom and for love of his 
countrymen. 

He did not comply with the giddy impulses of the 
citizens, nor quit his own resolutions to follow their 
fancies, when, carried away with the thought of their 
strength and great success, they were eager to interfere 
again in Egypt, and to disturb the king of Persia's mari- 
time dominions. Nay, there were a good many who 
were, even then, possessed with that unblest and inaus- 
picious passion for Sicily, which afterward the orators of 
Alcibiades's party blew up into a flame. There were 
some also who dreamt of Tuscany and of Carthage, 
and not without plausible reason in their present large 
dominion and the prosperous course of their affairs. 

But Pericles curbed this passion for foreign conquest, 
and unsparingly pruned and cut down their ever busy 

[6 5 ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



fancies for a multitude of undertakings ; and directed 
their power for the most part to securing and consoli- 
dating what they had already got, supposing it would be 
quite enough for them to do, if they could keep the 
Lacedaemonians in check. 

Having made a truce between the Athenians and 
Lacedaemonians for thirty years, he ordered, by public 
decree, the expedition against the isle of Samos, on the 
ground that, when they were bid to leave off their war 
with the Milesians, they had not complied. And as these 
measures against the Samians are thought to have been 
taken to please Aspasia, this may be a fit point for inquiry 
about the woman, what art or charming faculty she had 
that enabled her to captivate, as she did, the greatest 
statesmen, and to give the philosophers occasion to speak 
so much about her, and that, too, not to her disparagement. 

Aspasia, some say, was courted by Pericles upon 
account of her knowledge and skill in politics. Socrates 
himself would sometimes go to visit her, and some of his 
acquaintance with him ; and those who frequented her 
company would carry their wives with them to listen 
to her. She had also the repute of being resorted to 
by many of the Athenians for instruction in the art 
of speaking. 

Phidias the Moulder had undertaken to make a statue 
of Minerva in gold. 

Now he, being admitted to friendship with Pericles, 
and a great favorite of his, had many enemies upon this 
account, who envied and maligned him ; who also, to 
make trial in a case of his, what kind of judges the 

[66] 



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commons would prove, should there be occasion to bring 
Pericles himself before them, having tampered with 
Menon, one who had been a workman with Phidias, 
stationed him in the market place, with a petition desir- 
ing public security upon his discovery and impeachment 
of Phidias. 

The people admitting the man to tell his story, and 
the prosecution proceeding in the assembly, there was 
nothing of theft or cheat proved against him ; for Phidias, 
from the very first beginning, by the advice of Pericles, 
had so wrought and wrapt the gold that was used in the 
work about the statue, that they might take it all off and 
make out the just weight of it, which Pericles at that 
time bade the accusers do. 

But the reputation of his works was what brought 
envy upon Phidias, especially that where he represents 
the fight of the Amazons upon the goddess's shield, he 
had introduced a likeness of himself as a bald old man 
holding up a great stone with both hands, and had put 
in a very fine representation of Pericles fighting with an 
Amazon. And the position of the hand, which holds out 
the spear in front of the face, was ingeniously contrived 
to conceal in some degree the likeness, which, meantime, 
showed itself on either side. 

Phidias then was carried away to prison, and there 
died of a disease ; but, as some say, of poison, adminis- 
tered by the enemies of Pericles, to raise a slander, or a 
suspicion, at least, as though he had procured it. 

The informer Menon, upon Glycon's proposal, the 
people made free from payment of taxes and customs, 

[6 7 ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



and ordered the generals to take care that nobody 
should do him any hurt. 

About the same time, Aspasia was indicted of impiety. 
A decree was proposed, that public accusation should be 
laid against persons who neglected religion or taught 
new doctrines about things above, directing suspicion, 
by means of Anaxagoras, against Pericles himself. 

The people receiving and admitting these accusations 
and complaints, at length, by this means, they came to 
enact a decree, that Pericles should bring in the accounts 
of the moneys he had expended ; and that the judges, 
carrying their suffrage from the altar in the Acropolis, 
should examine and determine the business in the city. 

Aspasia, Pericles begged off, shedding many tears at 
the trial, and personally entreating the jurors. But fear- 
ing how it might go with Anaxagoras, he sent him out 
of the city. And finding that in Phidias's case he had 
miscarried with the people, being afraid of impeachment, 
he kindled the war, which hitherto had lingered and 
smothered, and blew it up into a flame ; hoping, by that 
means, to disperse and scatter these complaints and 
charges, and to allay their jealousy ; the city usually 
throwing herself upon him alone, and trusting to his sole 
conduct, upon the urgency of great affairs and public dan- 
gers, by reason of his authority and the sway he bore. 

The Lacedaemonians, for their part, feeling sure that 
if they could once remove him, they might be at what 
terms they pleased with the Athenians, sent them word 
that they should expel the " Pollution " with which Peri- 
cles on the mother's side was tainted, as Thucydides 

[68] 



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tells us. But the issue proved quite contrary to what 
those who sent the message expected; instead of bring- 
ing Pericles under suspicion and reproach, they raised 
him into yet greater credit and esteem with the citizens, 
as a man whom their enemies most hated and feared. 

In the same way, also, before Archidamus, who was 
at the head of the Peloponnesians, made his invasion 
into Attica, he told the Athenians beforehand that if 
Archidamus, while he laid w r aste the rest of the country, 
should forbear and spare his estate, either on the ground 
of friendship or right of hospitality that was betwixt them, 
or on purpose to give his enemies an occasion of traducing 
him, that then he did freely bestow upon the state all his 
land and the buildings upon it for the public use. 

The Lacedaemonians, therefore, and their allies, with 
a great army, invaded the Athenian territories, under the 
conduct of king Archidamus, and laying waste the coun- 
try, marched on as far as Acharnae, and there pitched 
their camp, presuming that the Athenians would never 
endure that, but would come out and fight them for their 
country's and their honor's sake. 

But Pericles looked upon it as dangerous to engage in 
battle, to the risk of the city itself, against sixty thou- 
sand men at arms of Peloponnesians and Boeotians ; for so 
many they were in number that made the inroad at first ; 
and he endeavored to appease those who were desirous to 
fight, and were grieved and discontented to see how things 
went, and gave them good words, saying, that "trees, 
when they are lopped and cut, grow up again in a short 
time, but men, being once lost, cannot easily be recovered." 

[6 9 ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 

He did not convene the people into an assembly, for 
fear lest they should force him to act against his judg- 
ment ; but, like a skillful steersman or pilot of a ship, 
who, when a sudden squall comes on, out at sea, makes 
all his arrangements, sees that all is tight and fast, and 
then follows the dictates of his skill, and minds the busi- 
ness of the ship, taking no notice of the tears and entreaties 
of the seasick and fearful passengers, so he, having shut up 
the city gates, and placed guards at all posts for security, 
followed his own reason and judgment, little regarding those 
that cried out against him, and were angry at his manage- 
ment, although there were a great many of his friends that 
urged him with requests, and many of his enemies threat- 
ened and accused him for doing as he did, and many made 
songs and lampoons upon him, which were sung about the 
town to his disgrace, reproaching him with the cowardly 
exercise of his office of general, and the tame abandonment 
of everything to the enemy's hands. 

Cleon, also, already was among his assailants, making 
use of the feeling against him as a step to the leadership 
of the people, as appears in the verses of Hermippus. 

Satyr king, instead of swords, 
Will you always handle words ? 
Very brave indeed we find them, 
But a Teles lurks behind them. 

Yet to gnash your teeth you 're seen, 
When the little dagger keen, 
Whetted every day anew, 
Of sharp Cleon touches you. 

[70] 



PERICLES 



Pericles, however, was not at all moved by any attacks, 
but took all patiently, and submitted in silence to the dis- 
grace they threw upon him and the ill will they bore him ; 
and, sending out a fleet of a hundred galleys to Pelopon- 
nesus, he did not go along with it in person, but stayed 
behind, that he might watch at home and keep the city 
under his own control, till the Peloponnesians broke up 
their camp and were gone. 

Yet to soothe the common people, jaded and distressed 
with the war, he relieved them with distributions of public 
moneys, and ordained new divisions of subject land. For 
having turned out all the people of ^Egina, he parted the 
island among the Athenians, according to lot. 

Some comfort, also, and ease in their miseries, they 
might receive from what their enemies endured. For the 
fleet, sailing round the Peloponnesus, ravaged a great deal 
of the country, and pillaged and plundered the towns and 
smaller cities ; and by land he himself entered with an army 
the Megarian country, and made havoc of it all. Whence 
it is clear that the Peloponnesians, though they did the 
Athenians much mischief by land, yet suffering as much 
themselves from them by sea, would not have protracted 
the war to such a length, but would quickly have given it 
over, as Pericles at first foretold they would, had not some 
divine power crossed human purposes. 

In the first place, the pestilential disease, or plague, 
seized upon the city, and ate up all the flower and prime 
of their youth and strength. Upon occasion of which, the 
people, distempered and afflicted in their souls, as well as 
in their bodies, were utterly enraged like madmen against 

[71] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



Pericles, and, like patients grown delirious, sought to lay 
violent hands on their physician, or, as it were, their father. 

He could not pacify or allay their anger, nor persuade 
or prevail with them any way, till they freely passed their 
votes upon him, resumed their power, took away his com- 
mand from him, and fined him in a sum of money. 

After this, public troubles were soon to leave him un- 
molested ; the people, so to say, discharged their passion 
in their stroke, and lost their stings in the wound. But 
his domestic concerns were in an unhappy condition, many 
of his friends and acquaintance having died in the plague 
time, and those of his family having long since been in 
disorder and in a kind of mutiny against him. 

However, he did not shrink or give in upon these occa- 
sions, nor betray or lower his high spirit and the greatness 
of his mind under all his misfortunes ; he was not even 
so much as seen to weep or to mourn, or even attend the 
burial of any of his friends or relations, till at last he lost 
his only remaining son. Subdued by this blow, and yet 
striving still, as far as he could, to maintain his principle, 
and to preserve and keep up the greatness of his soul, when 
he came, however, to perform the ceremony of putting a 
garland of flowers upon the head of the corpse, he was 
vanquished by his passion at the sight, so that he burst 
into exclamations, and shed copious tears, having never 
done any such thing in all his life before. 

The city having made trial of other generals for the 
conduct of war, and orators for business of state, when 
they found there was no one who was of weight enough 
for such a charge, or of authority sufficient to be trusted 

[72] 



PERICLES 



with so great a command, regretted the loss of him, and 
invited him again to address and advise them, and to 
reassume the office of general. 

He, however, lay at home, in dejection and mourning ; 
but was persuaded by Alcibiades and others of his friends 
to come abroad and show himself to the people ; who 
having, upon his appearance, made their acknowledg- 
ments, and apologized for their untowardly treatment of 
him, he undertook the public affairs once more. 

Soon after, the plague seized Pericles, not with sharp and 
violent fits, as it did others that had it, but with a dull 
and lingering distemper, attended with various changes 
and alterations, leisurely, by little and little, wasting the 
strength of his body, and undermining the noble facul- 
ties of his soul. So that Theophrastus, in his "Morals," 
when discussing whether men's characters change with 
their circumstances, and their moral habits, disturbed by 
the ailings of their bodies, start aside from the rules of 
virtue, has left it upon record that Pericles, when he was 
sick, showed one of his friends that came to visit him, an 
amulet or charm that the women had hung about his neck ; 
as much as to say, that he was very sick indeed when he 
would admit of such a foolery as that was. 

When he was now near his end, the best of the citizens 
and those of his friends who were left alive, sitting about 
him, were speaking of the greatness of his merit, and his 
power, and reckoning up his famous actions and the 
number of his victories ; for there were no less than nine 
trophies, which, as their chief commander and conqueror 
of their enemies, he had set up, for the honor of the city. 

[73] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



They talked thus together among themselves, as though 
he were unable to understand or mind what they said, 
but had now lost his consciousness. 

He had listened, however, all the while, and attended 
to all ; and speaking out among them, said that he 
wondered they should commend and take notice of 
things which were as much owing to fortune as to any- 
thing else, and had happened to many other commanders, 
and, at the same time, should not speak or make mention 
of that which was the most excellent and greatest thing 
of all. "For," said he, " no Athenian, through my 
means, ever wore mourning." 

He was indeed a character deserving our high ad- 
miration, not only for his equitable and mild temper, 
which all along in the many affairs of his life, and the 
great animosities which he incurred, he constantly main- 
tained ; but also for the high spirit and feeling which 
made him regard it the noblest of all his honors, that, 
in the exercise of such immense power, he never had 
gratified his envy or his passion, nor ever had treated 
any enemy as irreconcilably opposed to him. 

And to me it appears that this one thing gives that 
otherwise childish and arrogant title a fitting and be- 
coming significance ; so dispassionate a temper, a life 
so pure and unblemished, in the height of power and 
place, might well be called Olympian, in accordance with 
our conceptions of the divine beings, to whom, as the 
natural authors of all good and of nothing evil, we 
ascribe the rule and government of the world. Not 
as the poets represent, who, while confounding us with 

[74] 



PERICLES 



their ignorant fancies, are themselves confuted by their 
own poems and fictions, and call the place, indeed, 
where they say the gods make their abode, a secure and 
quiet seat, free from all hazards and commotions, un- 
troubled with winds or with clouds, and equally through 
all time illumined with a soft serenity and a pure light, 
as though such were a home most agreeable for a blessed 
and immortal nature ; and yet, in the mean while, affirm 
that the gods themselves are full of trouble and enmity 
and anger and other passions, which no way become or 
belong to even men that have any understanding. But 
this will, perhaps, seem a subject fitter for some other 
consideration, and that ought to be treated of in some 
other place. 

The course of public affairs after his death produced 
a quick and speedy sense of the loss of Pericles. Those 
who, while he lived, resented his great authority, as that 
which eclipsed themselves, presently after his quitting 
the stage, making trial of other orators and demagogues, 
readily acknowledged that there never had been in nature 
such a disposition as his was, more moderate and reason- 
able in the height of that state he took upon him, or 
more grave and impressive in the mildness which he 
used. And that invidious arbitrary power, to which 
formerly they gave the name of monarchy and tyranny, 
did then appear to have been the chief bulwark of public 
safety ; so great a corruption and such a flood of mischief 
and vice followed, which he, by keeping weak and low, 
had withheld from notice, and had prevented from attain- 
ing incurable height through a licentious impunity. 

[75] 



ALEXANDER 



[77] 




ALEXANDER 



ALEXANDER 



INTRODUCTION 



"^HE war that began between Athens and Sparta 
before the death of Pericles, lasted twenty-seven 
J_L years, and ended in the defeat of Athens. Sparta 
was restored to her former leadership among the Greek 
cities ; but she was so harsh and oppressive in her new 
rule that her subjects were very discontented, and at last 
a great statesman and general named Epaminondas, be- 
longing to the city of Thebes, defeated the Spartans in 
the battle of Leuctra, 371 B.C., and destroyed the Spartan 
supremacy forever. 

But the leadership of Thebes, which now followed, was 
of short duration. Epaminondas was slain in battle, and 
a new power appeared, which soon got the mastery over 
Greece. This new state was Macedonia. 

Macedonia was a country lying to the north of Greece. 
The Macedonians were really of the Greek race, but they 
were so rude and unlettered that the Greeks proper were not 
willing to recognize them as kinsmen, and looked on them 
as barbarians. Moreover, the Macedonians were subject to 
kings, while nearly all the Greek cities were republics. 

The king of Macedonia at this time was Philip. He 
was an able and ambitious man. He made his kingdom 
a powerful state, and then sought to obtain the leadership 

[79] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



of Greece, which had in turn been held by Sparta, 
Athens, and Thebes. 

The first thing which he undertook was to conquer the 
Greek city of Olynthus, on a peninsula east of his king- 
dom. Olynthus was a rich and flourishing commercial 
town, and it controlled the country to the east of Mace- 
donia, so that Philip could not extend his empire in that 
direction without first getting rid of this rival. 

The Olynthians, much alarmed at Philip's projects, 
sought an alliance with Athens, and the great Athenian 
orator Demosthenes did all he could to induce his people 
to send aid to the besieged city. But the Athenians were 
slow and undecided, and in the year 348 Philip captured 
and destroyed Olynthus. He was now master of the coun- 
try to the east as far as the Hellespont, or Dardanelles. 

Two years later he succeeded in gaining his way into 
the affairs of Greece, by being invited to take part in a 
quarrel between Greek states. When he had, once got a 
foothold there, his ability and unscrupulous energy soon 
made him master. The two cities of Thebes and Athens 
at last united with some others against him, but he was 
too strong for them, and in the year 338 he defeated 
them in the great battle of Chaeronea, which Milton 
calls "that dishonest victory, fatal to liberty/' a victory 
that marked the end of Greek independence. 

By the capture of Olynthus and the battle of Chaeronea 
Philip had accomplished his first two objects : he had 
extended his empire in the north ; and he had got a 
foothold in Greece, and gained for himself the leadership 
of the Greek states. 

[80] 



ALEXANDER 



He now proceeded to carry out the great final object 
of his ambition, which was to unite under his lead all the 
forces of Greece, and invade Asia. What he proposed was 
to take vengeance on Persia for the invasion of Greece, a 
hundred and fifty years before. For this purpose he called 
a congress of the Greek states, which met at Corinth in 
337, and elected Philip as commander in chief of the 
Greek forces against Persia. 

But he never marched against Persia. The very next 
year he was assassinated. He was succeeded by his son 
Alexander, an even abler man than his father, who carried 
out his father's plans. 



[81] 



ALEXANDER 



T BEING my purpose to write the lives of Alexander 
the king, and of Caesar, by whom Pompey was de- 
stroyed, the multitude of their great actions affords 
so large a field that I were to blame if I should not by 
way of apology forewarn my reader that I have chosen 
rather to epitomize the most celebrated parts of their 
story, than to insist at large on every particular circum- 
stance of it. 

It must be borne in mind that my design is not to 
write histories, but lives. And the most glorious exploits 
do not always furnish us with the clearest discoveries 
of virtue or vice in men ; sometimes a matter of less 
moment, an expression or a jest, informs us better of 
their characters and inclinations, than the most famous 
sieges, the greatest armaments, or the bloodiest battles 
whatsoever. 

Therefore as portrait painters are more exact in the 
lines and features of the face, in which the character is 
seen, than in the other parts of the body, so I must 
be allowed to give my more particular attention to the 
marks and indications of the souls of men, and while I 
endeavor by these to portray their lives, may be free to 
leave more weighty matters and great battles to be treated 
of by others. 

[82] 



ALEXANDER 



Alexander was born the same day that the temple of 
Diana at Ephesus was burnt. All the Eastern sooth- 
sayers who happened to be then at Ephesus, looking 
upon the ruin of this temple to be the forerunner of some 
other calamity, ran about the town, beating their faces, 
and crying that this day had brought forth something 
that would prove fatal and destructive to all Asia. 

Philip received these three messages at one time, that 
Parmenio had overthrown the Illyrians in a great battle, 
that his race horse had won the course at the Olympic 
games, and that his wife had given birth to Alexander ; 
with which being naturally well pleased, as an addition 
to his satisfaction, he was assured by the diviners that 
a son, whose birth was accompanied with three such 
successes, could not fail of being invincible. 

Alexander's temperance, as to the pleasures of the 
body, was apparent in him in his very childhood, as he 
was with much difficulty incited to them, and always 
used them with great moderation ; though in other things 
he was extremely eager and vehement, and in his love 
of glory, and the pursuit of it, he showed a solidity of 
high spirit and magnanimity far above his age. For he 
neither sought nor valued it upon every occasion, as his 
father Philip did (who affected to show his eloquence 
almost to a degree of pedantry, and took care to have 
the victories of his racing chariots at the Olympic games 
engraven on his coin), but when he was asked by some 
about him, whether he would run a race in the Olympic 
games, as he was very swift-footed, he answered, he 
would, if he might have kings to run with him. 

[8 3 ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



Indeed, he seems in general to have looked with in- 
difference, if not with dislike, upon the professed ath- 
letes. He often appointed prizes, for which not only 
tragedians and musicians, pipers and harpers, but rhap- 
sodists also, strove to outvie one another ; and delighted 
in all manner of hunting and cudgel playing, but never 
gave any encouragement to contests either of boxing or 
of the pancratium. 

While he was yet very young, he entertained the am- 
bassadors from the king of Persia, in the absence of his 
father, and entering much into conversation with them, 
gained so much upon them by his affability, and the ques- 
tions he asked them, which were far from being childish 
or trifling (for he inquired of them the length of the ways, 
the nature of the road into inner Asia, the character of 
their king, how he carried himself to his enemies, and 
what forces he was able to bring into the field), that they 
were struck with admiration of him, and looked upon the 
ability so much famed of Philip, to be nothing in compari- 
son with the forwardness and high purpose that appeared 
thus early in his son. 

Whenever he heard Philip had taken any town of im- 
portance, or won any signal victory, instead of rejoicing 
at it altogether, he would tell his companions that his 
father would anticipate everything, and leave him and 
them no opportunities of performing great and illustrious 
actions. For being more bent upon action and glory than 
either upon pleasure or riches, he esteemed all that he 
should receive from his father as a diminution and pre- 
vention of his own future achievements ; and would have 

[84] 



ALEXANDER 



chosen rather to succeed to a kingdom involved in troubles 
and wars, which would have afforded him frequent exer- 
cise of his courage, and a large field of honor, than to 
one already flourishing and settled, where his inheritance 
would be an inactive life, and the mere enjoyment of 
wealth and luxury. 

Philonicus the Thessalian brought the horse Bucephalus 
to Philip, offering to sell him for thirteen talents ; but 
when they went into the field to try him, they found him 
so very vicious and unmanageable, that he reared up when 
they endeavored to mount him, and would not so much 
as endure the voice of any of Philip's attendants. Upon 
which, as they were leading him away as wholly useless 
and un tractable, Alexander, who stood by, said, " What 
an excellent horse do they lose, for want of address and 
boldness to manage him ! " 

Philip at first took no notice of what he said ; but when 
he heard him repeat the same thing several times, and 
saw he was much vexed to see the horse sent away, " Do 
you reproach," said he to him, "those who are older 
than yourself, as if you knew more, and were better 
able to manage him than they ? " 

" I could manage this horse," replied he, " better than 
others do." 

" And if you do not," said Philip, " what will you forfeit 
for your rashness ? " 

"I will pay," answered Alexander, "the whole price 
of the horse." 

At this the whole company fell a laughing ; and as soon 
as the wager was settled amongst them, he immediately 

[85] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



ran to the horse, and taking hold of the bridle, turned 
him directly towards the sun, having, it seems, observed 
that he was disturbed at and afraid of the motion of his 
own shadow ; then letting him go forward a little, still 
keeping the reins in his hand, and stroking him gently 
when he found him begin to grow eager and fiery, he let 
fall his upper garment softly, and with one nimble leap 
securely mounted him, and when he was seated, by little 
and little drew in the bridle, and curbed him without 
either striking or spurring him. 

Presently, when he found him free from all rebellious- 
ness, and only impatient for the course, he let him go 
at full speed, inciting him now with a commanding voice, 
and urging him also with his heel. 

Philip and his friends looked on at first in silence and 
anxiety for the result, till seeing him turn at the end of 
his career, and come back rejoicing and triumphing for 
what he had performed, they all burst out into acclama- 
tions of applause ; and his father, shedding tears, it is 
said, for joy, kissed him as he came down from his horse, 
and in his transport, said, " O my son, look thee out a 
kingdom equal to and worthy of thyself, for Macedonia 
is too little for thee." 

After this, considering him to be of a temper easy to 
be led to his duty by reason, but by no means to be 
compelled, he always endeavored to persuade rather than 
to command or force him to anything ; and now looking 
upon the instruction and tuition of his youth to be of 
greater difficulty and importance, than to be wholly trusted 
to the ordinary masters in music and poetry, and the 

[86] 



ALEXANDER 



common school subjects, and to require, as Sophocles says, 
The bridle and the rudder too, 

he sent for Aristotle, the most learned and most cele- 
brated philosopher of his time, and rewarded him with a 
munificence proportionable to and becoming the care he 
took to instruct his son. For he repeopled his native 
city Stagira, which he had caused to be demolished a 
little before, and restored all the citizens who were in 
exile or slavery to their habitations. 

As a place for the pursuit of their studies and exer- 
cises, he assigned the temple of the Nymphs, near Mieza, 
where, to this very day, they show you Aristotle's stone 
seats, and the shady walks which he was wont to frequent. 

It would appear that Alexander received from him not 
only his doctrines of Morals, and of Politics, but also 
something of those more abstruse and profound theories 
which these philosophers, by the very names they gave 
them, professed to reserve for oral communication to the 
initiated, and did not allow many to become acquainted 
with. For when he was in Asia, and heard Aristotle had 
published some treatises of that kind, he wrote to him, 
using very plain language to him in behalf of philosophy, 
the following letter: "Alexander to Aristotle greeting. 
You have not done well to publish your books of oral doc- 
trine ; for what is there now that we excel others in, if 
those things which we have been particularly instructed 
in be laid open to all ? For my part, I assure you, I had 
rather excel others in the knowledge of what is excellent, 
than in the extent of my power and dominion. Farewell." 

[87] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 

Doubtless also it was to Aristotle that he owed the 
inclination he had, not to the theory only, but likewise 
to the practice of the art of medicine. For when any of 
his friends were sick, he would often prescribe them their 
course of diet, and medicines proper to their disease, as 
we may find in his epistles. 

He was naturally a great lover of all kinds of learning 
and reading ; and Onesicritus informs us, that he con- 
stantly laid Homer's Iliads, according to the copy cor- 
rected by Aristotle, called the casket copy, with his dagger 
under his pillow, declaring that he esteemed it a perfect 
portable treasure of all military virtue and knowledge. When 
he was in the upper Asia, being destitute of other books, 
he ordered Harpalus to send him some ; who furnished 
him with Philistus's History, a great many of the plays of 
Euripides, Sophocles, and ^Eschylus, and some odes. 

For a while he loved and cherished Aristotle no less, 
as he was wont to say himself, than if he had been his 
father, giving this reason for it, that as he had received 
life from the one, so the other had taught him to live 
well. But afterwards, upon some mistrust of him, yet not 
so great as to make him do him any hurt, his familiarity 
and friendly kindness to him abated so much of its former 
force and affectionateness as to make it evident he was 
alienated from him. However, his violent thirst after 
and passion for learning, which were once implanted, still 
grew up with him, and never decayed. 

While Philip went on his expedition against the Byzan- 
tines, he left Alexander, then sixteen years old, his lieu- 
tenant in Macedonia, committing the charge of his seal 

[88] 



ALEXANDER 



to him ; who, not to sit idle, reduced the rebellious Maedi, 
and having taken their chief town by storm, drove out 
the barbarous inhabitants, and planting a colony of sev- 
eral nations in their room, called the place after his own 
name, Alexandropolis. This early bravery made Philip 
so fond of him, that nothing pleased him more than to 
hear his subjects call himself their general and Alexander 
their king. 

Alexander was but twenty years old when his father 
was murdered, and succeeded to a kingdom beset on all 
sides with great dangers, and rancorous enemies. For 
not only the barbarous nations that bordered on Mace- 
donia, were impatient of being governed by any but their 
own native princes ; but Philip likewise, though he had 
been victorious over the Grecians, yet, as the time had 
not been sufficient for him to complete his conquest and 
accustom them to his sway, had simply left all things in 
a general disorder and confusion. 

It seemed to the Macedonians a very critical time ; 
and some would have persuaded Alexander to give up 
all thought of retaining the Grecians in subjection by 
force of arms, and rather to apply himself to win back 
by gentle means the allegiance of the tribes who were 
designing revolt, and try the effect of indulgence in 
arresting the first motions towards revolution. 

But he rejected this counsel as weak and timorous, and 
looked upon it to be more prudent to secure himself by 
resolution and magnanimity, than, by seeming to truckle 
to any, to encourage all to trample on him. In pursuit 
of this opinion, he reduced the barbarians to tranquillity, 

[8 9 ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 

and put an end to all fear of war from them, by a rapid 
expedition into their country as far as the river Danube, 
where he gave Syrmus, king of the Triballians, an 
entire overthrow. 

And hearing the Thebans were in revolt, and the 
Athenians in correspondence with them, he immediately 
marched through the pass of Thermopylae, saying that to 
Demosthenes, who had called him a child while he was 
in Illyria and in the country of the Triballians, and a 
youth when he was in Thessaly, he would appear a man 
before the walls of Athens. 

When he came to Thebes, to show how willing he was 
to accept of their repentance for what was past, he only 
demanded of them Phoenix and Prothytes, the authors of 
the rebellion, and proclaimed a general pardon to those 
who would come over to him. But when the Thebans 
merely retorted by demanding Philotas and Antipater to 
be delivered into their hands, and by a proclamation on 
their part, invited all who would assert the liberty of 
Greece to come over to them, he presently applied him- 
self to make them feel the last extremities of war. 

The Thebans indeed defended themselves with a zeal 
and courage beyond their strength, being much outnum- 
bered by their enemies. 

But when the Macedonian garrison sallied out upon 
them from the citadel, they were so hemmed in on all 
sides, that the greater part of them fell in the battle ; 
the city itself, being taken by storm, was sacked and 
razed, Alexander's hope being that so severe an example 
might terrify the rest of Greece into obedience, and also 

[90] 



ALEXANDER 



gratify the hostility of his confederates, the Phocians and 
Plataeans. So that, except the priests, and some few who 
had heretofore been the friends and connections of the 
Macedonians, the family of the poet Pindar, and those 
who were known to have opposed the public vote for the 
war, all the rest, to the number of thirty thousand, were 
publicly sold for slaves ; and it is computed that upwards 
of six thousand were put to the sword. 

Among the other calamities that befell the city, it hap- 
pened that some Thracian soldiers having broken into the 
house of a matron of high character and repute, named 
Timoclea, their captain, after having insulted her, to 
satisfy his avarice asked her if she knew of any money 
concealed ; to which she readily answered she did, and 
bade him follow her into a garden, where she showed 
him a well, into which, she told him, upon the taking of 
the city, she had thrown what she had of most value. 

The greedy Thracian presently stooping down to view 
the place where he thought the treasure lay, she came 
behind him, and pushed him into the well, and then flung 
great stones in upon him, till she had killed him. 

After which, when the soldiers led her away bound to 
Alexander, her very mien and gait showed her to be a 
woman of dignity, and of a mind no less elevated, not 
betraying the least sign of fear or astonishment. And 
when the king asked her who she was, " I am," said 
she, "the sister of Theagenes, who fought the battle of 
Chaeronea with your father Philip, and fell there in 
command for the liberty of Greece." 

Alexander was so surprised, both at what she had done, 

[91] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



and what she said, that he could not choose but give her 
and her children their freedom to go whither they pleased. 

After this he received the Athenians into favor, although 
they had shown themselves so much concerned at the 
calamity of Thebes that out of sorrow they omitted the 
celebration of the Mysteries, and entertained those who 
escaped with all possible humanity. Whether it were, like 
the lion, that his passion was now satisfied, or that after 
an example of extreme cruelty, he had a mind to appear 
merciful, it happened well for the Athenians ; for he not 
only forgave them all past offences, but bade them to 
look to their affairs with vigilance, remembering that, if 
he should miscarry, they were likely to be the arbiters 
of Greece. 

Certain it is, too, that in aftertime he often repented 
of his severity to the Thebans, and his remorse had such 
influence on his temper as to make him ever after less 
rigorous to all others. He imputed also the murder of 
Clitus, which he committed in his wine, and the unwill- 
ingness of the Macedonians to follow him against the 
Indians, by which his enterprise and glory was left im- 
perfect, to the wrath and vengeance of Bacchus, the pro- 
tector of Thebes. And it was observed that whatsoever 
any Theban, who had the good fortune to survive this 
victory, asked of him, he was sure to grant without the 
least difficulty. - 

Soon after, the Grecians, being assembled at the Isth- 
mus, declared their resolution of joining with Alexander 
in the war against the Persians, and proclaimed him their 
general. 



ALEXANDER 



While he stayed here, many public ministers and phi- 
losophers came from all parts to visit him, and congratu- 
lated him on his election, but contrary to his expectation, 
Diogenes of Sinope, who then was living at Corinth, 
thought so little of him, that instead of coming to com- 
pliment him, he never so much as stirred out of the 
suburb called the Cranium, where Alexander found him 
lying along in the sun. 

When he saw so much company near him, he raised 
himself a little, and vouchsafed to look upon Alexander ; 
and when he kindly asked him whether he wanted any- 
thing, "Yes," said he, "I would have you stand from 
between me and the sun." 

Alexander was so struck at this answer, and surprised 
at the greatness of the man, who had taken so little notice 
of him, that as he went away, he told his followers, who 
were laughing at the moroseness of the philosopher, that if 
he were not Alexander, he would choose to be Diogenes. 

Then he went to Delphi, to consult Apollo concerning 
the success of the war he had undertaken, and happening 
to come on one of the forbidden days, when it was 
esteemed improper to give any answers from the oracle, 
he sent messengers to desire the priestess to do her 
office ; and when she refused, on the plea of a law to 
the contrary, he went up himself, and began to draw her 
by force into the temple, until, tired and overcome with 
his importunity, "My son," said she, "thou art invin- 
cible." Alexander, taking hold of what she spoke, de- 
clared he had received such an answer as he wished for, 
and that it was needless to consult the god any further. 

[93] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



His army, by their computation who make the smallest 
amount, consisted of thirty thousand foot, and four thou- 
sand horse ; and those who make the most of it, speak but 
of forty-three thousand foot, and three thousand horse. 

However narrow and disproportionable the beginnings 
of so vast an undertaking might seem to be, yet he 
would not embark his army until he had informed him- 
self particularly what means his friends had to enable 
them to follow him, and supplied what they wanted, by 
giving good farms to some, a village to one, and the 
revenue of some hamlet or harbor town to another. So 
that at last he had portioned out or engaged almost all 
the royal property ; which giving Perdiccas an occasion 
to ask him what he would leave himself, he replied, 
"My hopes." 

"You will not then," said Perdiccas, "take it ill, if 
we who are to share with you in your dangers, desire 
to share with you in your hopes also," and refused to 
accept of the estate he had assigned him. 

Some others of his friends did the like, but to those 
who willingly received, or desired assistance of him, he 
liberally granted it, as far as his patrimony in Macedonia 
would reach, the most part of which was spent in these 
donations. 

With such vigorous resolutions, and his mind thus dis- 
posed, he passed the Hellespont, and at Troy sacrificed to 
Minerva, and honored the memory of the heroes who 
were buried there, with solemn libations ; especially 
Achilles, whose monument he anointed, and with his 
friends, as the ancient custom is, ran naked about his 

[94] 



ALEXANDER 



sepulcher, and crowned it with garlands, declaring how 
happy he esteemed him, in having while he lived so 
faithful a friend, and when he was dead, so famous a 
poet to proclaim his actions. While he was viewing the 
rest of the antiquities and curiosities of the place, being 
told he might see Paris's harp, if he pleased, he said, 
he thought it not worth looking on, but he should be 
glad to see that of Achilles, to which he used to sing 
the glories and great actions of brave men. 

In the mean time Darius's captains having collected 
large forces, were encamped on the further bank of the 
river Granicus, and it was necessary to fight, as it were, 
in the gate of Asia for an entrance into it. 

The depth of the river, with the unevenness and diffi- 
cult ascent of the opposite bank, which was to be gained 
by main force, was apprehended by most, and some pro- 
nounced it an improper time to engage, because it was 
unusual for the kings of Macedonia to march with their 
forces in the month called Daesius. But Alexander broke 
through these scruples, telling them they should call it 
a second Artemisius. And when Parmenio advised him 
not to attempt anything that day, because it was late, he 
told him that he should disgrace the Hellespont, should 
he fear the Granicus. 

And so without more saying, he immediately took the 
river with thirteen troops of horse, and advanced against 
whole showers of darts thrown from the steep opposite 
side, which was covered with armed multitudes of the 
enemy's horse and foot, notwithstanding the disadvantage 
of the ground and the rapidity of the stream ; so that the 

[95] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



action seemed to have more of frenzy and desperation in 
it, than of prudent conduct. 

However, he persisted obstinately to gain the passage, 
and at last with much ado making his way up the banks, 
which were extremely muddy and slippery, he had in- 
stantly to join in a mere confused hand-to-hand combat with 
the enemy, before he could draw up his men, who were 
still passing over, into any order. For the enemy pressed 
upon him with loud and warlike outcries ; and charging 
horse against horse, with their lances, after they had 
broken and spent these, they fell to it with their swords. 

And Alexander, being easily known by his buckler, 
and a large plume of white feathers on each side of his 
helmet, was attacked on all sides, yet escaped wounding, 
though his cuirass was pierced by a javelin in one of the 
joinings. And Rhoesaces and Spithridates, two Persian 
commanders, falling upon him at once, he avoided one 
of them, and struck at Rhoesaces, who had a good cuirass 
on, with such force, that his spear breaking in his hand, 
he was glad to betake himself to his dagger. 

While they were thus engaged, Spithridates came up 
on one side of him, and raising himself upon his horse, 
gave him such a blow with his battle-ax on the helmet, 
that he cut off the crest of it, with one of his plumes, 
and the helmet was only just so far strong enough to 
save him, that the edge of the weapon touched the hair 
of his head. But as he was about to repeat his stroke, 
Clitus, called the black Clitus, prevented him, by running 
him through the body with his spear. At the sam& time, 
Alexander despatched Rhoesaces with his sword. 

[96] 



ALEXANDER 



While the horse were thus dangerously engaged, the 
Macedonian phalanx passed the river, and the foot on each 
side advanced to fight. But the enemy hardly sustaining 
the first onset, soon gave ground and fled, all but the mer- 
cenary Greeks, who, making a stand upon a rising ground, 
desired quarter, which Alexander, guided rather by passion 
than judgment, refused to grant, and charging them him- 
self first, had his horse (not Bucephalus, but another) killed 
under him. And this obstinacy of his to cut off these 
experienced desperate men, cost him the lives of more of 
his own soldiers than all the battle before, besides those 
who were wounded. 

The Persians lost in this battle twenty thousand foot, 
and two thousand five hundred horse. 

On Alexander's side, Aristobulus says there were not 
wanting above four and thirty, of whom nine were foot 
soldiers ; and in memory of them he caused so many statues 
of brass, of Lysippus's making, to be erected. And that 
the Grecians might participate the honor of his victory, he 
sent a portion of the spoils home to them, particularly to the 
Athenians three hundred bucklers, and upon all the rest 
he ordered this inscription to be set : " Alexander the son 
of Philip, and the Grecians, except the Lacedaemonians, 
won these from the barbarians who inhabit Asia." 

All the plate and purple garments, and other things of 
the same kind that he took from the Persians, except a 
very small quantity which he reserved for himself, he sent 
as a present to his mother. 

This battle presently made a great change of affairs to 
Alexander's advantage. For Sardis itself, the chief seat 

[97] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



of the barbarian's power in the maritime provinces, and 
many other considerable places were surrendered to him ; 
only Halicarnassus and Miletus stood out, which he took 
by force, together with the territory about them. After 
which he was a little unsettled in his opinion how to proceed. 
Sometimes he thought it best to find out Darius as soon 
as he could, and put all to the hazard of a battle ; another 
while he looked upon it as a more prudent course to make 
an entire reduction of the seacoast, and not to seek the 
enemy till he had first exercised his power here and made 
himself secure of the resources of these provinces. 

While he was thus deliberating what to do, it happened 
that a spring of water near the city of Xanthus in Lycia, 
of its own accord swelled over its banks, and threw up a 
copper plate upon the margin, in which was engraven in 
ancient characters, that the time would come, when the 
Persian empire should be destroyed by the Grecians. 

Encouraged by this accident, he proceeded to reduce 
the maritime parts of Cilicia and Phoenicia, and passed his 
army along the seacoasts of Pamphylia with such expedition 
that many historians have described and extolled it with 
that height of admiration, as if it were no less than a 
miracle, and an extraordinary effect of divine favor, that 
the waves which usually come rolling in violently from the 
main, and hardly ever leave so much as a narrow beach 
under the steep, broken cliffs at any time uncovered, should 
on a sudden retire to afford him passage. 

Menander, in one of his comedies, alludes to this 
wonderful event, when he says, 

[98] 



ALEXANDER 



Was Alexander ever favored more ? 
Each man I wish for meets me at my door, 
And should I ask for passage through the sea, 
The sea I doubt not would retire for me. 

But Alexander himself in his epistles mentions nothing 
unusual in this at all, but says he went from Phaselis, and 
passed through what they call the Ladders. At Phaselis 
he stayed some time, and finding the statue of Theodectes, 
who was a native of this town and was now dead, erected 
in the market place, after he had supped, he went and 
danced about it, and crowned it with garlands, honoring 
not ungracefully in his sport, the memory of a philosopher 
whose conversation he had formerly enjoyed, when he was 
Aristotle's scholar. 

Then he subdued the Pisidians who made head against 
him, and conquered the Phrygians, at whose chief city 
Gordium, which is said to be the seat of the ancient Midas, 
he saw the famous chariot fastened with cords made of the 
rind of the cornel tree, which whosoever should untie, the 
inhabitants had a tradition, that for him was reserved 
the empire of the world. 

Most authors tell the story that Alexander, finding him- 
self unable to untie the knot, the ends of which were 
secretly twisted round and folded up within it, cut it 
asunder with his sword. But Aristobulus tells us it was 
easy for him to undo it, by only pulling the pin out of the 
pole, to which the yoke was tied, and afterwards drawing 
off the yoke itself from below. 

[99] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 

From hence he advanced into Paphlagonia and Cappa- 
docia, both which countries he soon reduced to obedience, 
and then hearing of the death of Memnon, the best com- 
mander Darius had upon the seacoasts, who, if he had 
lived, might, it was supposed, have put many impediments 
and difficulties in the way of the progress of his arms, 
he was the rather encouraged to carry the war into the 
upper provinces of Asia. 

Darius was by this time upon his march from Susa, 
very confident, not only in the number of his men, 
which amounted to six hundred thousand, but likewise 
in a dream, which the Persian soothsayers interpreted 
rather in flattery to him than according to the natural 
probability. He dreamed that he saw the Macedonian 
phalanx all on fire, and Alexander waiting on him, clad in 
the same dress which he himself had been used to wear 
when he was courier to the late king ; after which, going 
into the temple of Belus, he vanished out of his sight. 

The dream would appear to have supernaturally signi- 
fied to him the illustrious actions the Macedonians were 
to perform, and that as he from a courier's place had 
risen to the throne, so Alexander should come to be 
master of Asia, and not long surviving his conquests, 
conclude his life with glory. 

Darius's confidence increased the more because Alex- 
ander spent so much time in Cilicia, which he imputed 
to his cowardice. But it was sickness that detained him 
there, which some say he contracted from his fatigues, 
others from bathing in the river Cydnus, whose waters 
were exceedingly cold. However it happened,, none of 

[100] 



ALEXANDER 



his physicians would venture to give him any remedies, 
they thought his case so desperate, and were so afraid 
of the suspicions and ill will of the Macedonians if they 
should fail in the cure ; till Philip, the Acarnanian, see- 
ing how critical his case was, but relying on his own 
well-known friendship for him, resolved to try the last 
efforts of his art, and rather hazard his own credit and 
life, than suffer him to perish for want of physic, which 
he confidently administered to him, encouraging him to 
take it boldly, if he desired a speedy recovery, in order 
to prosecute the war. 

At this very time, Parmenio wrote to Alexander from 
the camp, bidding him have a care of Philip, as one 
who was bribed by Darius to kill him, with great sums 
of money, and a promise of his daughter in marriage. 

When he had perused the letter, he put it under 
his pillow, without showing it so much as to any of his 
most intimate friends, and when Philip came in with the 
potion he took it with great cheerfulness and assurance, 
giving him meantime the letter to read. 

This was a spectacle well worth being present at, to 
see Alexander take the draught, and Philip read the 
letter at the same time, and then turn and look upon one 
another, but with different sentiments ; for Alexander's 
looks were cheerful and open, to show his kindness to 
and confidence in his physician, while the other was full 
of surprise and alarm at the accusation, appealing to the 
gods to witness his innocence, sometimes lifting up his 
hands to heaven, and then throwing himself down by the 
bedside, and beseeching Alexander to lay aside all fear, 

[IOI] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



and follow his directions without apprehension. For the 
medicine at first worked so strongly as to drive, so to say, 
the vital forces into the interior ; he lost his speech, and 
falling into a swoon, had scarce any sense or pulse left. 
However, in no long time, by Philip's means, his health 
and strength returned, and he showed himself in public 
to the Macedonians, who were in continual fear and 
dejection until they saw him abroad again. 

There was at this time in Darius's army a Macedonian 
refugee, named Amyntas, one who was pretty well 
acquainted with Alexander's character. This man, when 
he saw Darius intended to fall upon the enemy in the 
passes and defiles, advised him earnestly to keep where 
he was, in the open and extensive plains, it being the 
advantage of a numerous army to have field-room enough 
when it engages with a lesser force. 

Darius, instead of taking his counsel, told him he was 
afraid the enemy would endeavor to run away, and so 
Alexander would escape out of his hands. 

" That fear," replied Amyntas, " is needless, for assure 
yourself that far from avoiding you, he will make all the 
speed he can to meet you, and is now most likely on his 
march towards you." 

But Amyntas's counsel was to no purpose, for Darius, 
immediately decamping, marched into Cilicia, at the same 
time that Alexander advanced into Syria to meet him ; 
and missing one another in the night, they both turned 
back again. Alexander, greatly pleased with the event, 
made all the haste he could to fight in the defiles, and 
Darius to recover his former ground, and draw his army 

[102] 



ALEXANDER 



out of so disadvantageous a place. For now he began to 
perceive his error in engaging himself too far in a coun- 
try in which the sea, the mountains, and the river Pinarus 
running through the midst of it, would necessitate him to 
divide his forces, render his horse almost unserviceable, 
and only cover and support the weakness of the enemy. 

Fortune was not kinder to Alexander in the choice of 
the ground, than he was careful to improve it to his 
advantage. For being much inferior in numbers, so far 
from allowing himself to be outflanked, he stretched his 
right wing much further out than the left wing of his 
enemies, and fighting there himself in the very foremost 
ranks, put the barbarians to flight. In this battle he was 
wounded in the thigh. 

Nothing was wanting to complete this victory, in which 
he overthrew above an hundred and ten thousand of his 
enemies, but the taking the person of Darius, who escaped 
very narrowly by flight. However, having taken his chariot 
and his bow, he returned from pursuing him, and found 
his own men busy in pillaging the barbarians' camp, which 
(though to disburden themselves, they had left most of 
their baggage at Damascus) was exceedingly rich. 

But Darius's tent, which was full of splendid furni- 
ture, and quantities of gold and silver, they reserved for 
Alexander himself, who, after he had put off his arms, 
went to bathe himself, saying, "Let us now cleanse our- 
selves from the toils of war in the bath of Darius." 

"Not so," replied one of his followers, "but in Alex- 
ander's rather ; for the property of the conquered is and 
should be called the conqueror's." 

[ io 3] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



Here, when he beheld the bathing vessels, the water- 
pots, the pans, and the ointment boxes, all of gold, 
curiously wrought, and smelt the fragrant odors with 
which the whole place was exquisitely perfumed, and from 
thence passed into a pavilion of great size and height, 
where the couches and tables and preparations for an 
entertainment were perfectly magnificent, he turned to 
those about him and said, "This, it seems, is royalty." 

But as he was going to supper, word was brought him 
that Darius's mother and wife and two unmarried daugh- 
ters, being taken among the rest of the prisoners, upon 
the sight of his chariot and bow were all in mourning 
and sorrow, imagining him to be dead. After a little 
pause, more livelily affected with their affliction than with 
his own success, he sent Leonnatus to them, to let them 
know Darius was not dead, and that they need not fear 
any harm from Alexander, who made war upon him only 
for dominion ; they should themselves be provided with 
everything they had been used to receive from Darius. 

This kind message could not but be very welcome to 
the captive ladies, especially being made good by actions 
no less humane and generous. For he gave them leave 
to bury whom they pleased of the Persians, and to make 
use for this purpose of what garments and furniture they 
thought fit out of the booty. He diminished nothing of 
their equipage, or of the attentions and respect formerly 
paid them, and allowed larger pensions for their mainte- 
nance than they had before. 

But the noblest and most royal part of their usage was, 
that he treated these illustrious prisoners according to 

[ I0 4] 



ALEXANDER 



their virtue and character, not suffering them to hear, or 
receive, or so much as to apprehend anything that was 
unbecoming. So that they seemed rather lodged in some 
temple, or some holy virgin chambers, where they enjoyed 
their privacy sacred and uninterrupted, than in the camp 
of an enemy. Nevertheless Darius's wife was accounted 
the most beautiful princess then living, as her husband 
the tallest and handsomest man of his time, and the 
daughters were not unworthy of their parents. But Alex- 
ander, esteeming it more kingly to govern himself than 
to conquer his enemies, sought no intimacy with any one 
of them. 

In his diet, Alexander was most temperate. For when 
Ada, his adopted mother, out of kindness sent him every 
day many curious dishes, and sweetmeats, and would have 
furnished him with some cooks and pastrymen, who were 
thought to have great skill, he told her he wanted none 
of them, his preceptor, Leonidas, having already given 
him the best, which were a night march to prepare for 
breakfast, and a moderate breakfast to create an appetite 
for supper. Leonidas also, he added, used to open and 
search the furniture of his chamber, and his wardrobe, to 
see if his mother had left him anything that was delicate 
or superfluous. 

He was much less addicted to wine than was generally 
believed ; that which gave people occasion to think so of 
him was, that when he had nothing else to do, he loved to sit 
long and talk, rather than drink, and over every cup hold 
a long conversation. For when his affairs called upon 
him, he would not be detained, as other generals often 

[io 5 ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



were, either by wine, or sleep, nuptial solemnities, spec- 
tacles, or any other diversion whatsoever ; a convincing 
argument of which is, that in the short time he lived, he 
accomplished so many and so great actions. 

When he was free from employment, after he was up, 
and had sacrificed to the gods, he used to sit down to 
breakfast, and then spend the rest of the day in hunting, 
or writing memoirs, giving decisions on some military 
questions, or reading. In marches that required no great 
haste, he would practise shooting as he went along, or to 
mount a chariot, and alight from it in full speed. 

Darius wrote him a letter, and sent friends to intercede 
with him, requesting him to accept as a ransom of his 
captives the sum of a thousand talents, and offering him 
in exchange for his amity and alliance, all the countries 
on this side the river Euphrates, together with one of his 
daughters in marriage. 

These propositions he communicated to his friends, 
and when Parmenio told him, that for his part, if he were 
Alexander, he should readily embrace them, " So would 
I," said Alexander, "if I were Parmenio." 

Accordingly, his answer to Darius was, that if he would 
come and yield himself up into his power, he would treat 
him with all possible kindness ; if not, he was resolved 
immediately to go himself and seek him. But the death of 
Darius's wife made him soon after regret one part of this 
answer, and he showed evident marks of grief, at being 
thus deprived of a further opportunity of exercising his 
clemency and good nature, which he manifested, however, 
as far as he could, by giving her a most sumptuous funeral. 

[106] 



ALEXANDER 



Among those who waited in the queen's chamber, and 
were taken prisoners with the women, there was one 
Tireus, who, getting out of the camp, fled away on horse- 
back to Darius, to inform him of his wife's death. He, 
when he heard it, beating his head, and bursting into tears 
and lamentations, said, " Alas ! how great is the calamity of 
the Persians ! Was it not enough that their king's consort 
and sister was a prisoner in her lifetime, but she must, 
now she is dead also, be but meanly and obscurely buried ? " 

"Oh, king," replied Tireus, "as to her funeral rites, 
or any respect or honor that should have been shown in 
them, you have not the least reason to accuse the ill 
fortune of your country ; for to my knowledge neither 
your queen Statira when alive, nor your mother, nor 
children, wanted anything of their former happy condi- 
tion, unless it were the light of your countenance, which I 
doubt not but the lord Oromasdes will yet restore to its 
former glory. And after her decease, I assure you, she 
had not only all due funeral ornaments, but was honored 
also with the tears of your very enemies ; for Alexander 
is as gentle after victory, as he is terrible in the field." 

Tireus was further enlarging upon Alexander's modera- 
tion and magnanimity on other occasions, when Darius, 
breaking away from him into the other division of the 
tent, where his friends and courtiers were, lifted up his 
hands to heaven, and uttered this prayer, "Ye gods," 
said he, "of my family, and of my kingdom, if it be 
possible, I beseech you to restore the declining affairs of 
Persia, that I may leave them in as flourishing a condi- 
tion as I found them, and have it in my power to make 

[ io 7 ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



a grateful return to Alexander for the kindness which in 
my adversity he has shown to those who are dearest to 
me. But if, indeed, the fatal time be come, which is 
to put an end to the Persian monarchy, if our ruin be a 
debt that must be paid to the divine jealousy and the 
vicissitude of things, then I beseech you grant that no 
other man but Alexander may sit upon the throne of 
Cyrus." 

After Alexander had reduced all Asia on this side the 
Euphrates, he advanced towards Darius, who was coming 
down against him with a million of men. 

The oldest of his commanders, and chiefly Parmenio, 
when they beheld all the plain shining with the lights 
and fires which were made by the barbarians, and heard 
the uncertain and confused sound of voices out of their 
camp, like the distant roaring of a vast ocean, were so 
amazed at the thoughts of such a multitude, that after 
some conference among themselves, they concluded it an 
enterprise too difficult and hazardous for them to engage 
so numerous an enemy in the day, and therefore meeting 
the king as he came from sacrificing, besought him to 
attack Darius by night, that the darkness might conceal 
the danger of the ensuing battle. 

To this he gave them the celebrated answer, " I will 
not steal a victory," which though some at the time 
thought a boyish and inconsiderate speech, as if he played 
with danger, others, however, regarded as an evidence 
that he confided in his present condition, and acted on a 
true judgment of the future, not wishing to leave Darius, 
in case he were worsted, the pretext of trying his fortune 

[108] 



ALEXANDER 



again, which he might suppose himself to have, if he 
could impute his overthrow to the disadvantage of the 
night, as he did before to the mountains, the narrow 
passages, and the sea. For while he had such numerous 
forces and large dominions still remaining, it was not 
any want of men or arms that could induce him to give 
up the war, but only the loss of all courage and hope 
upon the conviction of an undeniable and manifest defeat. 

After they were gone from him with this answer, he 
laid himself down in his tent and slept the rest of the 
night more soundly than was usual with him, to the aston- 
ishment of the commanders, who came to him early in 
the morning, and were fain themselves to give order that 
the soldiers should breakfast. But at last, time not 
giving them leave to wait any longer, Parmenio went to 
his bedside, and called him twice or thrice by his name, 
till he waked him, and then asked him how it was possi- 
ble, when he was to fight the most important battle of all, 
he could sleep as soundly as if he were already victorious. 

"And are we not so, indeed," replied Alexander, 
smiling, "since we are at last relieved from the trouble 
of wandering in pursuit of Darius through a wide and 
wasted country, hoping in vain that he would fight us ? " 

And not only before the battle, but in the height of 
the danger, he showed himself great, and manifested the 
self-possession of a just foresight and confidence. For 
the battle for some time fluctuated and was dubious. The 
left wing, where Parmenio commanded, was so impetu- 
ously charged by the Bactrian horse that it was disordered 
and forced to give ground, at the same time that Mazaeus 

[ io 9] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



had sent a detachment round about to fall upon those 
who guarded the baggage, which so disturbed Parmenio, 
that he sent messengers to acquaint Alexander that the 
camp and baggage would be all lost unless he immediately 
relieved the rear by a considerable reinforcement drawn 
out of the front. 

This message being brought him just as he was giving 
the signal to those about him for the onset, he bade them 
tell Parmenio that he must have surely lost the use of his 
reason, and had forgotten, in his alarm, that soldiers, if 
victorious, become masters of their enemies' baggage ; and 
if defeated, instead of taking care of their wealth or their 
slaves, have nothing more to do but to fight gallantly and 
die with honor. 

When he had said this, he put on his helmet, having the 
rest of his arms on before he came out of his tent, which 
were a coat of the Sicilian make, girt close about him, and 
over that a breastpiece of thickly quilted linen, which was 
taken among other booty at the battle of Issus. The helmet, 
which was made by Theophilus, though of iron, was so 
well wrought and polished, that it was as bright as the 
most refined silver. To this was fitted a gorget of the 
same metal, set with precious stones. His sword, which 
was the weapon he most used in fight, was given him by 
the king of the Citieans, and was of an admirable temper 
and lightness. The belt which he also wore in all engage- 
ments, was of much richer workmanship than the rest of 
his armor. It was a work of the ancient Helicon, and had 
been presented to him by the Rhodians, as a mark of their 
respect to him. 

[no] 



ALEXANDER 



So long as he was engaged in drawing up his men, or 
riding about to give orders or directions, or to view them, 
he spared Bucephalus, who was now growing old, and 
made use of another horse ; but when he was actually to 
fight, he sent for him again, and as soon as he was mounted, 
commenced the attack. 

He made the longest address that day to the Thessalians 
and other Greeks, who answered him with loud shouts, 
desiring him to lead them on against the barbarians, upon 
which he shifted his javelin into his left hand, and with 
his right lifted up towards heaven, besought the gods, as 
Callisthenes tells us, that if he was of a truth the son of 
Jupiter, they would be pleased to assist and strengthen 
the Grecians. 

At the same time the augur Aristander, who had a 
white mantle about him, and a crown of gold on his head, 
rode by and showed them an eagle that soared just over 
Alexander, and directed his flight towards the enemy ; 
which so animated the beholders, that after mutual en- 
couragements and exhortations, the horse charged at full 
speed, and were followed in a mass by the whole phalanx 
of the foot. 

But before they could well come to blows with the first 
ranks, the barbarians shrunk back, and were hotly pursued 
by Alexander, who drove those that fled before him into 
the middle of the battle, where Darius himself was in 
person, whom he saw from a distance over the foremost 
ranks, conspicuous in the midst of his life guard, a tall and 
fine-looking man, drawn in a lofty chariot, defended by 
an abundance of the best horse, who stood close in order 

[in] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



about it, ready to receive the enemy. But Alexander's 
approach was so terrible, forcing those who gave back upon 
those who yet maintained their ground, that he beat down 
and dispersed them almost all. Only a few of the bravest 
and valiantest opposed the pursuit, who were slain in their 
king's presence, falling in heaps upon one another, and in 
the very pangs of death striving to catch hold of the horses. 

Darius now seeing all was lost, that those who were 
placed in front to defend him were broken and beat back 
upon him, that he could not turn or disengage his chariot 
without great difficulty, the wheels being clogged and en- 
tangled among the dead bodies, which lay in such heaps 
as not only stopped, but almost covered the horses, and 
made them rear and grow so unruly, that the frighted 
charioteer could govern them no longer, in this extremity 
was glad to quit his chariot and his arms, and mounting, 
it is said, upon a mare that had been taken from her foal, 
betook himself to flight. 

But he had not escaped so either, if Parmenio had 
not sent fresh messengers to Alexander, to desire him to 
return and assist him against a considerable body of 
the enemy which yet stood together, and would not give 
ground. For, indeed, Parmenio is on all hands accused 
of having been sluggish and unserviceable in this battle, 
whether age had impaired his courage, or that, as Callis- 
thenes says, he secretly disliked and envied Alexander's 
growing greatness. 

Alexander, though he was not a little vexed to be so 
recalled and hindered from pursuing his victory, yet con- 
cealed the true reason from his men, and causing a retreat 

[n 2 ] 



ALEXANDER 



to be sounded, as if it were too late to continue the execu- 
tion any longer, marched back towards the place of danger, 
and by the way met with the news of the enemy's total 
overthrow and flight. 

This battle, being thus over, seemed to put an end to 
the Persian empire ; and Alexander, who was now pro- 
claimed king of Asia, returned thanks to the gods in mag- 
nificent sacrifices, and rewarded his friends and followers 
with great sums of money, and places, and governments 
of provinces. And eager to gain honor with the Grecians, 
he wrote to them that he would have all tyrannies abolished, 
that they might live free according to their own laws, and 
specially to the Plataeans, that their city should be rebuilt, 
because their ancestors had permitted their countrymen of 
old to make their territory the seat of the war, when they 
fought with the barbarians for their common liberty. 

Alexander was naturally most munificent, and grew more 
so as his fortune increased, accompanying what he gave 
with that courtesy and freedom, which, to speak truth, 
is necessary to make a benefit really obliging. He was 
always more displeased with those who would not accept 
of what he gave, than with those who begged of him. To 
Parmenio he gave a wardrobe of apparel worth more than 
a thousand talents. He wrote to Antipater, commanding 
him to keep a life guard about him for the security of 
his person against conspiracies. 

To his mother he sent many presents, but would never 
suffer her to meddle with matters of state or war, not in- 
dulging her busy temper, and when she fell out with him 
upon this account, he bore her ill humor very patiently. 

[»3] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



Nay more, when he read a long letter from Antipater, full 
of accusations against her, "Antipater," he said, "does 
not know that one tear of a mother effaces a thousand 
such letters as these." 

But when he perceived his favorites grow so luxurious 
and extravagant in their way of living and expenses, that 
Hagnon, the Teian, wore silver nails in his shoes, that 
Leonnatus employed several camels, only to bring him 
powder out of Egypt to use when be wrestled, and that 
Philotas had hunting nets a hundred furlongs in length, 
that more used precious ointment then plain oil when they 
went to bathe, and that they carried about servants every- 
where with them to rub them and wait upon them in their 
chambers, he reproved them in gentle and reasonable terms, 
telling them he wondered that they who had been engaged 
in so many signal battles did not know by experience, that 
those who labor sleep more sweetly and soundly than those 
who are labored for, and could fail to see by comparing 
the Persians' manner of living with their own, that it was the 
most abject and slavish condition to be voluptuous, but 
the most noble and royal to undergo pain and labor. 

He argued with them further, how it was possible for 
any one who pretended to be a soldier, either to look well 
after his horse, or to keep his armor bright and in good 
order, who thought it much to let his hands be serviceable 
to what was nearest to him, his own body. 

"Are you still to learn," said he, "that the end and 
perfection of our victories is to avoid the vices and infirmities 
of those whom we subdue ? " 

And to strengthen his precepts by example, he applied 

["4] 



ALEXANDER 



himself now more vigorously than ever to hunting and war- 
like expeditions, embracing all opportunities of hardship 
and danger, insomuch that a Lacedaemonian, who was there 
on an embassy to him, and chanced to be by when he en- 
countered with and mastered a huge lion, told him he had 
fought gallantly with the beast, which of the two should be 
king. Alexander exposed his person to danger in this man- 
ner, with the object both of inuring himself, and inciting 
others to the performance of brave and virtuous actions. 

But his followers, who were grown rich, and conse- 
quently proud, longed to indulge themselves in pleasure 
and idleness, and were weary of marches and expeditions, 
and at last went on so far as to censure and speak ill of 
him. All which at first he bore very patiently, saying, 
it became a king well to do good to others, and be evil 
spoken of. 

Meantime, on the smallest occasions that called for a 
show of kindness to his friends, there was every indica- 
tion on his part of tenderness and respect. Hearing 
Peucestes was bitten by a bear, he wrote to him, that he 
took it unkindly he should send others notice of it, and 
not make him acquainted with it; " But now," said he, 
" since it is so, let me know how you do, and whether 
any of your companions forsook you when you were in 
danger, that I may punish them." 

It is reported of him that when he first sat in judgment 
upon capital causes, he would lay his hand upon one of 
his ears while the accuser spoke, to keep it free and un- 
prejudiced in behalf of the party accused. But afterwards 
such a multitude of accusations were brought before him, 

["5] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



and so many proved true, that he lost his tenderness of 
heart, and gave credit to those also that were false ; and 
especially when anybody spoke ill of him he would be 
transported out of his reason, and show himself cruel 
and inexorable, valuing his glory and reputation beyond 
his life or kingdom. 

He now set forth to seek Darius, expecting he should 
be put to the hazard of another battle, but heard he was 
taken and secured by Bessus, upon which new T s he sent 
home the Thessalians, and gave them a largess of two 
thousand talents over and above the pay that was due to 
them. This long and painful pursuit of Darius, for in 
eleven days he marched thirty-three hundred furlongs, 
harassed his soldiers so, that most of them were ready to 
give it up, chiefly for want of water. 

While they were in this distress, it happened that 
some Macedonians who had fetched water in skins upon 
their mules from a river they had found out, came about 
noon to the place where Alexander was, and seeing him 
almost choked with thirst, presently filled an helmet and 
offered it him. 

He asked them to whom they were carrying the water ; 
they told him to their children, adding, that if his life 
were but saved, it was no matter for them, they should 
be able well enough to repair that loss, though they all 
perished. 

Then he took the helmet into his hands, and looking 
round about, when he saw all those who were near him 
stretching their heads out and looking earnestly after the 
drink, he returned it again with thanks without tasting a 

[116] 



ALEXANDER 



drop of it, " For/' said he, "if I alone should drink, the 
rest will be out of heart." 

The soldiers no sooner took notice of his temperance 
and magnanimity upon this occasion, but they one and all 
cried out to him to lead them forward boldly, and began 
whipping on their horses. For whilst they had such a 
king, they said, they defied both weariness and thirst, and 
looked upon themselves to be little less than immortal. 

But though they were all equally cheerful and willing, 
yet not above threescore horse were able, it is said, to 
keep up, and to fall in with Alexander upon the enemy's 
camp, where they rode over abundance of gold and silver 
that lay scattered about, and passing by a great many 
chariots full of women that wandered here and there for 
want of drivers, they endeavored to overtake the first of 
those that fled, in hopes to meet with Darius among 
them. And at last, after much trouble, they found him 
lying in a chariot, wounded all over with darts, just at 
the point of death. 

However, he desired they would give him some drink, 
and when he had drunk a little cold water, he told Polys- 
tratus, who gave it him, that it had become the last 
extremity of his ill fortune, to receive benefits and not 
be able to return them. " But Alexander," said he, 
" whose kindness to my mother, my wife, and my chil- 
dren I hope the gods will recompense, will doubtless 
thank you for your humanity to me. Tell him, therefore, 
in token of my acknowledgment, I give him this right 
hand," with which words he took hold of Polystratus's 
hand and died. 

C"7] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



When Alexander came up to them, he showed mani- 
fest tokens of sorrow, and taking off his own cloak, 
threw it upon the body to cover it. Darius's body was 
laid in state, and sent to his mother with pomp suitable 
to his quality. His brother Exathres, Alexander received 
into the number of his intimate friends. 

And now with the flower of his army he marched 
into Hyrcania. 

From hence he marched into Parthia, where not having 
much to do, he first put on the barbaric dress, perhaps 
with the view of making the work of civilizing them the 
easier, as nothing gains more upon men than a conformity 
to their fashions and customs. Or it may have been as a 
first trial, whether the Macedonians might be brought to 
adore him, as the Persians did their kings, by accustoming 
them by little and little to bear with the alteration of his 
rule and course of life in other things. 

Apprehending the Macedonians would be weary of 
pursuing the war, he left the greater part of them in 
their quarters ; and having with him in Hyrcania the 
choice of his men only, amounting to twenty thousand 
foot, and three thousand horse, he spoke to them to this 
effect : That hitherto the barbarians had seen them no 
otherwise than as it were in a dream, and if they should 
think of returning when they had only alarmed Asia, and 
not conquered it, their enemies would set upon them as 
upon so many women. However, he told them he would 
keep none of them with him against their will, they might 
go if they pleased ; he should merely enter his protest, 
that when on his way to make the Macedonians the 

[118] 



ALEXANDER 



masters of the world, he was left alone with a few friends 
and volunteers. 

This is almost word for word, as he wrote in a letter 
to Antipater, where he adds, that when he had thus 
spoken to them, they all cried out, they would go along 
with him whithersoever it was his pleasure to lead them. 

After succeeding with these, it was no hard matter for 
him to bring over the multitude, which easily followed 
the example of their betters. 

Now, also, he more and more accommodated himself 
in his way of living to that of the natives, and tried to 
bring them, also, as near as he could to the Macedonian 
customs, wisely considering that whilst he was engaged 
in an expedition which would carry him far from thence, 
it would be wiser to depend upon the good will which 
might arise from intermixture and association as a 
means of maintaining tranquillity, than upon force and 
compulsion. 

In order to this, he chose out thirty thousand boys, 
whom he put under masters to teach them the Greek 
tongue, and to train them up to arms in the Macedonian 
discipline. As for his marriage with Roxana, whose 
youthfulness and beauty had charmed him at an enter- 
tainment, where he first happened to see her, taking 
part in a dance, it was, indeed, a love affair, yet it 
seemed at the same time to be conducive to the object 
he had in hand. For it gratified the conquered people 
to see him choose a wife from among themselves. 

Alexander, now intent upon his expedition into India, 
took notice that his soldiers were so charged with booty 

["9] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



that it hindered their marching. Therefore, at break of 
day, as soon as the baggage wagons were laden, first he 
set fire to his own, and to those of his friends, and then 
commanded those to be burned which belonged to the rest 
of the army. An act which in the deliberation of it had 
seemed more dangerous and difficult than it proved in the 
execution, with which few were dissatisfied ; for most of 
the soldiers, as if they had been inspired, uttering loud 
outcries and warlike shoutings, supplied one another with 
what was absolutely necessary, and burnt and destroyed 
all that was superfluous, the sight of which redoubled 
Alexander's zeal and eagerness for his design. 

He exposed himself to many hazards in the battles 
which he fought, and received very severe wounds, but 
the greatest loss in his army was occasioned through the 
unwholesomeness of the air, and the want of necessary 
provisions. But he still applied himself to overcome for- 
tune and whatever opposed him, by resolution and virtue, 
and thought nothing impossible to true intrepidity, and on 
the other hand nothing secure or strong for cowardice. 

It is told of him, that when he besieged Sisimithres, 
who held an inaccessible, impregnable rock against him, 
and his soldiers began to despair of taking it, he asked 
whether Sisimithres was a man of courage. On being 
assured he was the greatest coward alive, " Then you tell 
me," said he, "that the place may easily be taken, since 
what is in command of it is weak." And in a little time 
he so terrified Sisimithres, that he took it without any 
difficulty. 

The extent of king Taxiles's dominions in India was 
[ I2 °] 



ALEXANDER 



thought to be as large as Egypt, abounding in good 
pastures, and producing beautiful fruits. 

The king himself had the reputation of a wise man, 
and at his first interview with Alexander, he spoke to 
him in these terms: "To what purpose," said he, 
" should we make war upon one another, if the design 
of your coming into these parts be not to rob us of 
our water or our necessary food, which are the only 
things that wise men are indispensably obliged to fight 
for ? As for other riches and possessions, as they are 
accounted in the eye of the world, if I am better pro- 
vided of them than you, I am ready to let you share 
with me ; but if fortune has been more liberal to you 
than me, I have no objection to be obliged to you." 

This discourse pleased Alexander so much, that em- 
bracing him, "Do you think," said he to him, "your 
kind words and courteous behavior will bring you off 
in this interview without a contest? No, you shall not 
escape so. I shall contend and do battle with you so 
far, that how obliging soever you are, you shall not have 
the better of me." 

Then receiving some presents from him, he returned 
him others of greater value, and to complete his bounty, 
gave him in money ready coined one thousand talents ; 
at which his old friends were much displeased, but it 
gained him the hearts of many of the barbarians. 

Alexander, in his own letters, has given us an account 
of his war with Porus. He says the two armies were 
separated by the river Hydaspes, on whose opposite 
bank Porus continually kept his elephants in order of 

[121] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



battle, with their heads towards their enemies, to guard 
the passage ; that he, on the other hand, made every 
day a great noise and clamor in his camp, to accustom 
his men by degrees not to be afraid of the barbarians ; 
that one stormy dark night he passed the river, at a 
distance from the place where the enemy lay, into a little 
island, with part of his foot, and the best of his horse. 
Here there fell a most violent storm of rain, accompanied 
with lightning and whirlwinds, and seeing some of his 
men burnt and dying with the lightning, he nevertheless 
quitted the island and made over to the other side. 

The Hydaspes, he says, now after the storm, was so 
swollen and grown so rapid, as to have made a breach 
in the bank, and a part of the river was now pouring in 
here, so that when he came across, it was with difficulty 
he got a footing on the land, which was slippery and 
unsteady, and exposed to the force of the currents on 
both sides. 

This is the occasion when he is related to have 
said, "O ye Athenians, will ye believe what dangers 
I incur to merit your praise?" This, however, is 
Onesicritus's story. 

Alexander tells us that here the men left their boats, 
and passed the breach in their armor, up to the breast 
in water, and that then he advanced with his horse about 
twenty furlongs before his foot, concluding that if the 
enemy charged him with their cavalry, he should be too 
strong for them ; if with their foot, his own would come 
up time enough to his assistance. Nor did he judge 
amiss ; for being charged by a thousand horse, and 

[ 122 ] 



ALEXANDER 



sixty armed chariots, which advanced before their main 
body, he took all the chariots, and killed four hundred 
horse upon the place. 

Porus, by this time guessing that Alexander himself had 
crossed over, came on with his whole army, except a party 
which he left behind, to hold the rest of the Macedonians 
in play, if they should attempt to pass the river. 

But he, apprehending the multitude of the enemy, and 
to avoid the shock of their elephants, dividing his forces, 
attacked their left wing himself, and commanded Coenus 
to fall upon the right, which was performed with good 
success. For by this means both wings being broken, 
the enemies fell back in their retreat upon the center, 
and crowded in upon their elephants. There rallying, 
they fought a hand-to-hand battle, and it was the eighth 
hour of the day before they were entirely defeated. 

This description the conqueror himself has left us in 
his own epistles. 

Almost all the historians agree in relating that Porus 
was four cubits and a span high, and that when he 
was upon his elephant, which was of the largest size, his 
stature and bulk were so answerable, that he appeared to 
be proportionably mounted, as a horseman on his horse. 

This elephant, during the whole battle, gave many 
singular proofs of sagacity and of particular care of the 
king, whom as long as he was strong and in a condition 
to fight, he defended with great courage, repelling those 
who set upon him ; and as soon as he perceived him 
overpowered with his numerous wounds and the multi- 
tude of darts that were thrown at him, to prevent his 

[ I2 3] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



falling off, he softly knelt down and began to draw 
out the darts with his proboscis. 

When Porus was taken prisoner, and Alexander asked 
him how he expected to be used, he answered, "As a 
king." For that expression, he said, when the same 
question was put to him a second time, comprehended 
everything. 

And Alexander, accordingly, not only suffered him 
to govern his own kingdom as satrap under himself, 
but gave him also the additional territory of various 
independent tribes. 

Some little time after the battle with Porus, Bucephalus 
died. Alexander was no less concerned at his death, than 
if he had lost an old companion or an intimate friend, 
and built a city, which he named Bucephalia, in memory 
of him, on the bank of the river Hydaspes. He also, 
we are told, built another city, and called it after the 
name of a favorite dog, Peritas, which he had brought 
up himself. 

But this last combat with Porus took off the edge of 
the Macedonians' courage, and stayed their further prog- 
ress into India. For having found it hard enough to 
defeat an enemy who brought but twenty thousand foot 
and two thousand horse into the field, they thought 
they had reason to oppose Alexander's design of leading 
them on to pass the Ganges too, which they were told 
was thirty-two furlongs broad and a hundred fathoms 
deep, and the banks on the further side covered with 
multitudes of enemies. 

Alexander at first was so grieved and enraged at his 

[124] 



ALEXANDER 



men's reluctancy, that he shut himself up in his tent, 
and threw himself upon the ground, declaring, if they 
would not pass the Ganges, he owed them no thanks 
for anything they had hitherto done, and that to retreat 
now, was plainly to confess himself vanquished. But 
at last the reasonable persuasions of his friends and the 
cries and lamentations of his soldiers, who in a suppliant 
manner crowded about the entrance of his tent, prevailed 
with him to think of returning. 

He was now eager to see the ocean. To which pur- 
pose he caused a great many rowboats and rafts to be 
built, in which he fell gently down the rivers at his 
leisure, yet so that his navigation was neither unprofit- 
able nor inactive. For by several descents upon the 
banks, he made himself master of the fortified towns, 
and consequently of the country on both sides. 

But at a siege of the town of the Mallians, who have 
the repute of being the bravest people of India, he ran 
in great danger of his life. For having beaten off the 
defendants with showers of arrows, he was the first man 
that mounted the wall by a scaling ladder, which, as soon 
as he was up, broke and left him almost alone, exposed 
to the darts which the barbarians threw at him in great 
numbers from below. 

In this distress, turning himself as well as he could, 
he leaped down in the midst of his enemies, and had 
the good fortune to light upon his feet. The brightness 
and clattering of his armor when he came to the ground, 
made the barbarians think they saw rays of light, or some 
bright phantom playing before his body, which frightened 

[125] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



them so at first, that they ran away and dispersed. Till 
seeing him seconded but by two of his guards, they fell 
upon him hand to hand, and some, while he bravely 
defended himself, tried to wound him through his 
armor with their swords and spears. 

And one who stood further off, drew a bow with such 
just strength, that the arrow finding its way through 
his cuirass, stuck in his ribs under the breast. This 
stroke was so violent, that it made him give back, 
and set one knee to the ground, upon which the man 
ran up with his drawn scimitar, thinking to despatch 
him, and had done it, if Peucestas and Limnaeus had 
not interposed, who were both wounded, Limnaeus mor- 
tally, but Peucestas stood his ground, while Alexander 
killed the barbarian. 

But this did not free him from danger ; for besides 
many other wounds, at last he received so weighty a 
stroke of a club upon his neck, that he was forced to 
lean his body against the wall, still, however, facing 
the enemy. 

At this extremity, the Macedonians made their way 
in and gathered round him. They took him up, just 
as he was fainting away, having lost all sense of what 
was done near him, and conveyed him to his tent, upon 
which it was presently reported all over the camp that 
he was dead. But when they had with great difficulty 
and pains sawed off the shaft of the arrow, which was 
of wood, and so with much trouble got off his cuirass, 
they came to cut out the head of it, which was three 
fingers broad and four long, and stuck fast in the bone. 

[126] 



ALEXANDER 



During the operation, he was taken with almost mortal 
swoonings, but when it was out he came to himself again. 
Yet though all danger was past, he continued very weak, 
and confined himself a great while to a regular diet and 
the method of his cure, till one day hearing the Mace- 
donians clamoring outside in their eagerness to see him, 
he took his cloak and went out. And having sacrificed 
to the gods, without more delay he went on board again, 
and as he coasted along, subdued a great deal of the 
country on both sides, and several considerable cities. 

In this voyage, he took ten of the Indian philosophers 
prisoners, who had been most active in persuading Sabbas 
to revolt, and had caused the Macedonians a great deal of 
trouble. These men were reputed to be extremely ready 
and succinct in their answers, which he made trial of, 
by putting difficult questions to them, letting them know 
that those whose answers were not pertinent, should be 
put to death, of which he made the eldest of them judge. 

The first being asked which he thought most numerous, 
the dead or the living, answered, "The living, because 
those who are dead are not at all." 

Of the second, he desired to know whether the earth 
or the sea produced the largest beast ; who told him, 
"The earth, for the sea is but a part of it." 

His" question to the third was, Which is the cunning- 
est of beasts? "That," said he, "which men have not 
yet found out." 

He bade the fourth tell him what argument he used to 
Sabbas to persuade him to revolt. " No other," said he, 
"than that he should either live or die nobly." 

[127] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



Of the fifth he asked, Which was eldest, night or day ? 
The philosopher replied, " Day was eldest, by one day at 
least." But perceiving Alexander not well satisfied with 
that account, he added, that he ought not to wonder if 
strange questions had as strange answers made to them. 

Then he went on and inquired of the next, what a man 
should do to be exceedingly beloved. "He must be very 
powerful," said he, " without making himself too much 
feared." 

The answer of the seventh to his question, how a man 
might become a god, was, "By doing that which was 
impossible for men to do." 

The eighth told him, "Life is stronger than death,, 
because it supports so many miseries." 

And the last being asked, how long he thought it 
decent for a man to live, said, " Till death appeared more 
desirable than life." 

Then Alexander turned to him whom he had made 
judge, and commanded him to give sentence. 

"All that I can determine," said he, "is, that they 
have every one answered worse than another." 

"Nay," said the king, "then you shall die first, for 
giving such a sentence." 

"Not so, O king," replied the philosopher, "unless 
you said falsely that he should die first who made the 
worst answer." 

In conclusion he gave them presents and dismissed 
them. 

Calanus, one of those who were in greatest reputation 
among these philosophers, and lived a private quiet life, 

[128] 



ALEXANDER 



is said to have shown Alexander an instructive emblem 
of government, which was this. He threw a dry, shriveled 
hide upon the ground, and trod upon the edges of it. 
The skin, when it was pressed in one place, still rose up 
in another, wheresoever he trod round about it, till he set 
his foot in the middle, which made all the parts lie even 
and quiet. The meaning of this similitude being that he 
ought to reside most in the middle of his empire, and not 
spend too much time on the borders of it. 

His voyage down the rivers took up seven months' 
time, and when he came to the sea, he sailed to an island, 
where going ashore, he sacrificed, and made what observa- 
tions he could as to the nature of the sea and the seacoast. 

Then having besought the gods that no other man 
might ever go beyond the bounds of this expedition, he 
ordered his fleet, of which he made Nearchus admiral, 
and Onesicritus pilot, to sail round about, keeping the 
Indian shore on the right hand, and returned himself by 
land through the country of the Orites, where he was 
reduced to great straits for want of provisions, and lost 
a vast number of men, so that of an army of one hundred 
and twenty thousand foot and fifteen thousand horse, he 
scarcely brought back above a fourth part out of India, 
they were so diminished by diseases, ill diet, and the 
scorching heats, but most by famine. 

When he came into Persia, finding Cyrus's sepulcher 
opened and rifled, he put Polymachus, who did it, to 
death, though he was a man of some distinction, a born 
Macedonian of Pella. And after he had read the inscrip- 
tion, he caused it to be cut again below the old one in 

[ I2 9] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



Greek characters; the words being these: "O man, whoso- 
ever thou art, and from whencesoever thou comest (for I 
know thou wilt come), I am Cyrus, the founder of the 
Persian empire ; do not grudge me this little earth which 
covers my body." The reading of this sensibly touched 
Alexander, filling him with the thought of the uncertainty 
and mutability of human affairs. 

At Susa, he married Darius 's daughter Statira, and 
celebrated also the nuptials of his friends, bestowing the 
noblest of the Persian ladies upon the worthiest of them, 
at the same time making it an entertainment in honor 
of the other Macedonians whose marriages had already 
taken place. 

At this magnificent festival, it is reported, there were 
no less than nine thousand guests, to each of whom he 
gave a golden cup for the libations. Not to mention 
other instances of his wonderful magnificence, he paid 
the debts of his army, which amounted to nine thousand 
eight hundred and seventy talents. 

But Antigenes, who had lost one of his eyes, though he 
owed nothing, got his name set down in the list of those 
who were in debt, and bringing one who pretended to be 
his creditor, and to have supplied him from the bank, re- 
ceived the money. But when the cheat was found out, 
the king was so incensed at it, that he banished him 
from court, and took away his command, though he was 
an excellent soldier, and a man of great courage. For 
when he was but a youth, and served under Philip at the 
siege of Perinthus, where he was wounded in the eye by 
an arrow shot out of an engine, he would neither let the 

[ 130] 



ALEXANDER 



arrow be taken out, nor be persuaded to quit the field, 
till he had bravely repulsed the enemy and forced them 
to retire into the town. Accordingly he was not able to 
support such a disgrace with any patience, and it was 
plain that grief and despair would have made him kill 
himself, but that the king fearing it, not only pardoned 
him, but let him also enjoy the benefit of his deceit. 

The thirty thousand boys whom he left behind him to 
be taught and disciplined, were so improved at his return, 
both in strength and beauty, and performed their exercises 
with such dexterity and wonderful agility, that he was 
extremely pleased with them, which grieved the Mace- 
donians, and made them fear he would have the less 
value for them. And when he proceeded to send down 
the infirm and maimed soldiers to the sea, they said they 
were unjustly and infamously dealt with, after they were 
worn out in his service upon all occasions, now to be 
turned away with disgrace and sent home into their coun- 
try among their friends and relations, in a worse condition 
than when they came out ; therefore they desired him to 
dismiss them one and all, and to account his Macedonians 
useless, now he was so well furnished with a set of 
dancing boys, with whom, if he pleased, he might go 
on and conquer the world. 

These speeches so incensed Alexander, that after he 
had given them a great deal of reproachful language in his 
passion, he drove them away, and committed the watch to 
Persians, out of whom he chose his guards and attendants. 

When the Macedonians saw him escorted by these men, 
and themselves excluded and shamefully disgraced, their 

[131] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 

high spirits fell, and conferring with one another, they 
found that jealousy and rage had almost distracted them. 
But at last coming to themselves again, they went without 
their arms, with only their under garments on, crying and 
weeping, to offer themselves at his tent, and desired him to 
deal with them as their baseness and ingratitude deserved. 

However, this would not prevail ; for though his anger 
was already something mollified, yet he would not admit 
them into his presence, nor would they stir from thence, 
but continued two days and nights before his tent, be- 
wailing themselves, and imploring him as their lord to 
have compassion on them. 

But the third day he came out to them, and seeing them 
very humble and penitent, he wept himself a great while, 
and after a gentle reproof spoke kindly to them, and 
dismissed those who were unserviceable with magnificent 
rewards, and with this recommendation to Antipater, that 
when they came home, at all public shows and in the 
theaters, they should sit on the best and foremost seats, 
crowned with chaplets of flowers. He ordered, also, that 
the children of those who had lost their lives in his serv- 
ice, should have their fathers' pay continued to them. 

When he came to Ecbatana in Media, he began to divert 
himself again with spectacles and public entertainments. 
But they were soon interrupted by Hephaestion's falling 
sick of a fever, of which he shortly after died. Alexander 
was so beyond all reason transported, that to express his 
sorrow, he immediately ordered the manes and tails of all 
his horses and mules to be cut, and threw down the battle- 
ments of the neighboring cities. He forbade playing on 

[ J 32 ] 



ALEXANDER 



the flute, or any other musical instrument in the camp 
a great while. 

As he was upon his way to Babylon, he was terrified 
by many prodigies, which deterred him from entering into 
the city. He grew diffident of the protection and assist- 
ance of the gods, and suspicious of his friends. 

When once he had given way to fears of supernatural 
influence, his mind grew so disturbed and so easily alarmed, 
that if the least unusual or extraordinary thing happened, 
he thought it a prodigy or a presage, and his court was 
thronged with diviners and priests whose business was to 
sacrifice and purify and foretell the future. So miserable 
a thing is incredulity and contempt of divine power on 
the one hand, and so miserable, also, superstition on the 
other, which like water, where the level has been lowered, 
flowing in and never stopping, fills the mind with slavish 
fears and follies, as now in Alexander's case. 

But upon some answers which were brought him from 
the oracle concerning Hephaestion, he laid aside his sorrow, 
and fell again to sacrificing and drinking ; and having 
giving Nearchus a splendid entertainment, after he had 
bathed, as was his custom, just as he was going to bed, 
at Medius's request he went to supper with him. Here 
he drank all the next day, and was attacked with a fever. 
Aristobulus tells us, that in the rage of his fever and a 
violent thirst, he took a draught of wine, upon which he 
fell into delirium, and died. 



[133] 



CORIOLANUS 



[135] 




CORIOLANUS 



CORIOLANUS 
INTRODUCTION 

A3UT five hundred years before the Christian Era, 
we find in the country of the Latins, nearly 
in the middle of Italy, a thriving city named 
Rome. The Romans, like the other Latins, were a com- 
munity of shepherds and husbandmen ; but the peculiar 
situation of their city made them something more. It 
was a group of low hills on the southern bank of the 
river Tiber, a healthy situation in an unhealthy region ; 
and this healthiness of situation gave it an advantage 
over its rivals. 

But its chief point of advantage was the river on which 
it was built. The Tiber is the largest river of Italy except 
the Po, in the extreme north, and by means of it Rome 
was able to carry on trade with the countries in the interior 
of Italy, and also with foreign countries. The coast was 
flat and sandy, with no good harbors ; but the Romans 
built a harbor called Ostia at the mouth of the river 
Tiber, and thus nearly all the commerce of Latium, the 
country of the Latins, both by the river and the sea, 
fell into their hands. 

There was another way in which the river Tiber was 
of great importance to the Romans. It was the boundary 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



between the Latins and the Etruscans ; and the Romans, 
placed directly on the boundary, were constantly called 
on to fight against these enemies. This made the 
Romans a warlike nation. The Etruscans were at this 
time the richest and most powerful people in Italy, 
and one of their chief cities, Veii, was only ten miles 
distant from Rome. There was a hill, called Janiculum, 
directly across the river from Rome, and the Romans 
built a fortification here, so that they might be prepared 
for assaults. 

Latium was a tolerably level region, stretching between 
the Tiber, the mountains, and the sea. Near the middle 
of it was the Alban Mount, on which the Latins celebrated 
their great annual festival. There were about a dozen 
independent cities of Latium which formed a league, 
or confederacy, of which Rome, the largest and strongest 
city, was the head. It was like a company of soldiers, 
of which Rome was the captain. And there was always 
enough fighting to do ; for besides the Etruscans on 
the north, there were the Volscians in the mountains of 
the south, and the ^Equians in those of the east, always 
ready to pounce on the lands of the industrious peasants 
and carry off cattle and other property. 

The government of Rome was a republic. It formerly 
had kings, but the people had got rid of their kings, 
and now had two magistrates, chosen every year, called 
consuls. The year in which they expelled the kings and 
set up a republic is said to have been 509 b.c. ; but in 
events that happened so long ago, when there were no 
books, or newspapers, or regular records, we cannot be 

[138] 



CORIOLANUS 



certain either of the date or exactly what happened. It is 
said that the last king, whose name was Tarquin, was proud 
and tyrannical, and for this reason he was called Tarquin 
the Proud ; and after he was banished, his friends and 
supporters for several years made efforts to force the 
Romans to receive him back as their king. 

Rome was now a republic, but an aristocratic republic. 
All the citizens had, it is true, a right to vote in the 
election of magistrates, as well as in making laws ; but 
the rules of voting were such that the rich citizens had 
much more power than the poor, and the consuls must 
be members of certain noble families, called patricians. 
The rest of the citizens were called plebeians. There 
were some rich plebeians; but as the patricians were nearly 
all rich, they of course controlled the elections. Some 
of the rich plebeians were appointed by the consuls as 
members of their council, the senate ; but even here 
they had less power than the patrician senators, and they 
could not be elected to the consulship. This caused 
great dissatisfaction among the plebeians, and for about 
a hundred years they were constantly striving to obtain 
the right to be elected consul. 

There were two other things that caused dissatisfaction 
among the poor plebeians, the management of the public 
land and the treatment of persons in debt. There was a 
considerable amount of land which belonged to the city, 
and which should have been used for the benefit of all 
the citizens. But the consuls had the management of 
it, and left it to be occupied by whoever cared to take 
it ; and the rich men got it all into their hands, and 

[ i39] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



neglected to pay the rent that was due, so that they came 
at last to treat the land as if it belonged to them. 

A distinguished patrician, named Spurius Cassius, tried 
to put a stop to this abuse, and have the public, land 
divided up among the poorer citizens ; but the patricians 
said that he was trying to make himself king, and succeeded 
in having him put to death as a traitor. A law to give 
portions of the public land to actual settlers was called 
an agrarian law. There were afterwards a great many 
agrarian laws in Rome. 

The laws about debt were harsh and unjust ; for when 
a person could not pay his debts, his creditors were 
allowed to take him and treat him as a slave. It was to 
protect the poor plebeians against this abuse and other 
abuses that a law was passed, in the year 494 B.C., allow- 
ing the plebeians to elect officers called tribunes, whose 
business it was to protect any person, plebeian or patri- 
cian, against ill treatment by the magistrates. There 
were at first two tribunes, but afterwards ten, and to 
make sure that they should be able to give protection 
to those who needed it, they were forbidden to leave the 
city during their term of office ; and they were made 
sacred, as it is called ; that is, it was made a serious 
crime, punishable by death, to harm them or interfere 
with the exercise of their office. Two other officers, 
called cediles, were elected to assist them. 

Many of the patricians were dissatisfied with this 
compromise. A story is told of a young man named 
Coriolanus, who was their leader. Possibly there never 
was such a person as Coriolanus ; and the incidents of 

[140] 



CORIOLANUS 

the story are improbable. But even if this particular story 
is not true, there is no doubt that there were just such 
violent dissensions among the Roman people, and just 
such wars with the Volscians and their other neighbors 
as the story describes. So it gives us a truthful picture 
of this period of the Roman republic. 



[141] 



CORIOLANUS 



GAIUS MARC I US, of whom I now write, being 
„ left an orphan, and brought up under the widow- 
hood of his mother, has shown us by experience, 
that, although the early loss of a father may be attended 
with other disadvantages, yet it can hinder none from 
being either virtuous or eminent in the world, and that 
it is no obstacle to true goodness and excellence ; however 
bad men may be pleased to lay the blame of their cor- 
ruptions upon that misfortune and the neglect of them 
in their minority. 

Nor is he less an evidence to the truth of their opinion, 
who conceive that a generous and worthy nature without 
proper discipline, like a rich soil without culture, is apt, 
with its better fruits, to produce also much that is bad 
and faulty. While the force and vigor of his soul, and 
a persevering constancy in all he undertook, led him 
successfully into many noble achievements, yet, on the 
other side, also, by indulging the vehemence of his pas- 
sion, and through an obstinate reluctance to yield or 
accommodate his humors and sentiments to those of 
people about him, he rendered himself incapable of acting 
and associating with others. 

Those who saw with admiration how proof his nature 
was against all the softnesses of pleasure, the hardships 



CORIOLANUS 

of service, and the allurements of gain, while allowing to 
that universal firmness of his the respective names of 
temperance, fortitude, and justice, yet, in the life of the 
citizen and the statesman, could not choose but be dis- 
gusted at the severity and ruggedness of his deport- 
ment, and with his overbearing, haughty, and imperious 
temper. Education and study, and the favors of the 
Muses, confer no greater benefit on those that seek them, 
than these humanizing and civilizing lessons, which teach 
our natural qualities to submit to the limitations prescribed 
by reason, and to avoid the wildness of extremes. 

Those were times at Rome in which that kind of 
worth was most esteemed which displayed itself in mili- 
tary achievements ; one evidence of which we find in the 
Latin word for virtue, which is properly equivalent to 
manly courage. As if valor and all virtue had been the 
same thing, they used as the common term the name of 
the particular excellence. 

But Marcius, having a more passionate inclination than 
any of that age for feats of war, began at once, from his 
very childhood, to handle arms ; and feeling that adven- 
titious implements and artificial arms would effect little, 
and be of small use to such as have not their native and 
natural weapons well fixed and prepared for service, he 
so exercised and inured his body to all sorts of activity 
and encounter, that, besides the lightness of a racer, he 
had a weight in close seizures and wrestlings with an 
enemy, from which it was hard for any to disengage him- 
self ; so that his competitors at home in displays of bravery, 
loath to own themselves inferior in that respect, were wont 

['43] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



to ascribe their deficiencies to his strength of body, which 
they said no resistance and no fatigue could exhaust. 

The first time he went out to the wars, being yet a 
stripling, was when Tarquinius Superbus, who had been 
king of Rome and was afterwards expelled, after many 
unsuccessful attempts, now entered upon his last effort, 
and proceeded to hazard all as it were upon a single throw. 
A great number of the Latins and other people of Italy 
joined their forces, and were marching with him toward 
the city, to procure his restoration ; not, however, so much 
out of a desire to serve and oblige Tarquin, as to gratify 
their own fear and envy at the increase of the Roman 
greatness, which they were anxious to check and reduce. 

The armies met and engaged in a decisive battle, in 
the vicissitudes of which, Marcius, while fighting bravely 
in the dictator's presence, saw a Roman soldier struck 
down at a little distance, and immediately stepped in and 
stood before him, and slew his assailant. 

The general, after having gained the victory, crowned 
him for this act, one of the first, with a garland of oaken 
branches ; it being the Roman custom thus to adorn those 
who had saved the life of a citizen ; whether that the law 
intended some special honor to the oak, in memory of the 
Arcadians, a people the oracle had made famous by the 
name of acorn eaters ; or whether the reason of it was 
because they might easily, and in all places where they 
fought, have plenty of oak for that purpose ; or, finally, 
whether the oaken wreath, being sacred to Jupiter, the 
guardian of the city, might, therefore, be thought a proper 
ornament for one who preserved a citizen. And the oak, 

[ *44] 



CORIOLANUS 



in truth, is the tree which bears the most and the pret- 
tiest fruit of any that grow wild, and is the strongest of 
all that are under cultivation ; its acorns were the principal 
diet of the first mortals, and the honey found in it gave 
them drink. I may say, too, it furnished fowl and other 
creatures as dainties, in producing mistletoe for birdlime 
to ensnare them. 

In this battle, meantime, it is stated that Castor and 
Pollux appeared, and, immediately after the battle, were 
seen at Rome just by the fountain where their temple now 
stands, with their horses foaming with sweat, and told the 
news of the victory to the people in the Forum. The 
fifteenth of July, being the day of this conquest, became 
consequently a solemn holiday sacred to the Twin Brothers. 

It may be observed, in general, that when young men 
arrive early at fame and repute, if they are of a nature but 
slightly touched with emulation, this early attainment is 
apt to extinguish their thirst and satiate their small appe- 
tite ; whereas the first distinctions of more solid and 
weighty characters do but stimulate and quicken them and 
take them away, like a wind, in the pursuit of honor ; they 
look upon these marks and testimonies to their virtue not 
as a recompense received for what they have already done, 
but as a pledge given by themselves of what they will 
perform hereafter, ashamed now to forsake or underlive 
the credit they have won, or, rather, not to exceed and 
obscure all that is gone before by 'the luster of their 
following actions. 

Marcius, having a spirit of this noble make, was ambi- 
tious always to surpass himself, and did nothing, how 

[i4S] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



extraordinary soever, but he thought he was bound- to 
outdo it at the next occasion ; and ever desiring to give 
continual fresh instances of his prowess, he added one 
exploit to another, and heaped up trophies upon trophies, 
so as to make it matter of contest also among his com- 
manders, the later still vying with the earlier, which should 
pay him the greatest honor and speak highest in his com- 
mendation. Of all the numerous wars and conflicts in 
those days, there was not one from which he returned 
without laurels and rewards. 

And, whereas others made glory the end of their dar- 
ing, the end of his glory was his mother's gladness ; the 
delight she took to hear him praised and to see him 
crowned, and her weeping for joy in his embraces, ren- 
dered him, in his own thoughts, the most honored and 
the most happy person in the world. Epaminondas is simi- 
larly said to have acknowledged his feeling, that it was 
the greatest felicity of his whole life that his father and 
mother survived to hear of his successful generalship and 
his victory at Leuctra. And he had the advantage, indeed, 
to have both his parents partake with him, and enjoy the 
pleasure of his good fortune. But Marcius, believing him- 
self bound to pay his mother Volumnia all that gratitude 
and duty which would have belonged to his father, had he 
also been alive, could never satiate himself in his tenderness 
and respect to her. He took a wife, also, at her request 
and wish, and continued, even after he had children, to 
live still with his mother, without parting families. 

The repute of his integrity and courage had, by this 
time, gained him a considerable influence and authority in 

[i 4 6] 



CORIOLANUS 



Rome, when the senate, favoring the wealthier citizens, 
began to be at variance with the common people, who 
made sad complaints of the rigorous and inhuman usage 
they received from the money lenders. For as many as 
were behind with them, and had any sort of property, 
they stripped of all they had, by the way of pledges and 
sales ; and such as through former exactions were reduced 
already to extreme indigence, and had nothing more to 
be deprived of, these they led away in person and put 
their bodies under constraint, notwithstanding the scars 
and wounds that they could show in attestation of their 
public services in numerous campaigns ; the last of which 
had been against the Sabines, which they undertook upon 
a promise made by their rich creditors that they would 
treat them with more gentleness for the future, Marcus 
Valerius, the consul, having, by order from the senate, 
engaged also for the performance of it. 

But when, after they had fought courageously and 
beaten the enemy, there was, nevertheless, no modera- 
tion or forbearance used, and the senate also professed 
to remember nothing of that agreement, and sat without 
testifying the least concern to see them dragged away 
like slaves and their goods seized upon as formerly, there 
began now to be open disorders and dangerous meetings 
in the city ; and the enemy, also, aware of the popular 
confusion, invaded and laid waste the country. 

And when the consuls now gave notice, that all who were 
of an age to bear arms should make their personal appear- 
ance, but found no one regard the summons, the members 
of the government, then coming to consult what course 

[ i47 ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



should be taken, were themselves again divided in opinion : 
some thought it most advisable to comply a little in favor 
of the poor, by relaxing their overstrained rights, and 
mitigating the extreme rigor of the law, while others with- 
stood this proposal ; Marcius in particular, with more 
vehemence than the rest, alleging that the business of 
money on either side was not the main thing in question, 
urged that this disorderly proceeding was but the first 
insolent step towards open revolt against the laws, which 
it would become the wisdom of the government to check 
at the earliest moment. 

There had been frequent assemblies of the whole sen- 
ate, within a small compass of time, about this difficulty, 
but without any certain issue ; the poor commonalty, 
therefore, perceiving there was likely to be no redress of 
their grievances, on a sudden collected in a body, and, 
encouraging each other in their resolution, forsook the 
city with one accord, and seizing the hill which is now 
called the Holy Mount, sat down by the river Anio, with- 
out committing any sort of violence or seditious outrage, 
but merely exclaiming, as they went along, that they had 
this long time past been, in fact, expelled and excluded 
from the city by the cruelty of the rich ; that Italy would 
everywhere afford them the benefit of air and water and a 
place of burial, which was all they could expect in the city, 
unless it were, perhaps, the privilege of being wounded 
and killed in time of war for the defence of their creditors. 

The senate, apprehending the consequences, sent the 
most moderate and popular men of their own order to 
treat with them. 

[i 4 8] 



CORIOLANUS 

Menenius Agrippa, their chief spokesman, after much 
entreaty to the people, and much plain speaking on be- 
half of the senate, concluded, at length, with the celebrated 
fable. "It once happened,'' he said, "that all the other 
members of a man mutinied against the stomach, which 
they accused as the only idle, uncontributing part in the 
whole body, while the rest were put to hardships and the 
expense of much labor to supply and minister to its appe- 
tites. The stomach, however, merely ridiculed the silli- 
ness of the members, who appeared not to be aware that 
the stomach certainly does receive the general nourish- 
ment, but only to return it again, and redistribute it 
amongst the rest. Such is the case," he said, "ye citizens, 
between you and the senate. The counsels and plans that 
are there duly digested, convey and secure to all of you, 
your proper benefit and support." 

A reconciliation ensued, the senate acceding to the 
request of the people for the annual election of five pro- 
tectors for those in need of succor, the same that are now 
called the tribunes of the people ; and the first two they 
pitched upon were Junius Brutus and Sicinius Bellutus, 
their leaders in the secession. 

The city being thus united, the commons stood pres- 
ently to their arms, and followed their commanders to the 
war with great alacrity. As for Marcius, though he was 
not a little vexed himself to see the populace prevail so 
far, and gain ground of the senators, and might observe 
many other patricians have the same dislike of the late 
concessions, he yet besought them not to yield at least 
to the common people in the zeal and forwardness they 

[ !49] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



now showed for their country's service, but to prove that 
they were superior to them, not so much in power and 
riches, as in merit and worth. 

The Romans were now at war with the Volscian nation, 
whose principal city was Corioli ; when, therefore, Comin- 
ius, the consul, had invested this important place, the 
rest of the Volscians, fearing it would be taken, mustered 
up whatever force they could from all parts, to relieve it, 
designing to give the Romans battle before the city, and 
so attack them on both sides. Cominius, to avoid this 
inconvenience, divided his army, marching himself with 
one body to encounter the Volscians on their approach 
from without, and leaving Titus Lartius, one of the bravest 
Romans of his time, to command the other and continue 
the siege. 

Those within Corioli, despising now the smallness of 
their number, made a sally upon them, and prevailed at 
first, and pursued the Romans into their trenches. 

Here it was that Marcius, flying out with a slender 
company, and cutting those in pieces that first engaged 
him, obliged the other assailants to slacken their speed ; 
and then, with loud cries, called upon the Romans to re- 
new the battle. For he had, what Cato thought a great 
point in a soldier, not only strength of hand and stroke, 
but also a voice and look that of themselves were a terror 
to an enemy. 

Divers of his own party now rallying and making up 
to him, the enemies soon retreated; but Marcius, not con- 
tent to see them draw off and retire, pressed hard upon 
the rear, and drove them, as they fled away in haste, to 

[150] 



CORIOLANUS 



the very gates of their city ; where, perceiving the Romans 
to fall back from their pursuit, beaten off by the multi- 
tude of darts poured in upon them from the walls, and 
that none of his followers had the hardiness to think of 
falling in pellmell among the fugitives and so entering 
a city full of enemies in arms, he, nevertheless, stood 
and urged them to the attempt, crying out, that fortune 
had now set open Corioli, not so much to shelter the 
vanquished, as to receive the conquerors. 

Seconded by a few that were willing to venture with 
him, he bore along through the crowd, made good his 
passage, and thrust himself into the gate through the 
midst of them, nobody at first daring to resist him. 

But when the citizens, on looking about, saw that a 
very small number had entered, they now took courage, 
and came up and attacked them. A combat ensued of 
the most extraordinary description, in which Marcius, by 
strength of hand, and swiftness of foot, and daring of 
soul, overpowering every one that he assailed, succeeded 
in driving the enemy to seek refuge, for the most part, 
in the interior of the town, while the remainder sub- 
mitted, and threw down their arms ; thus affording Lartius 
abundant opportunity to bring in the rest of the Romans 
with ease and safety. 

Corioli being thus surprised and taken, the greater part 
of the soldiers employed themselves in spoiling and pillag- 
ing it, while Marcius indignantly reproached them, and 
exclaimed that it was a dishonorable and unworthy thing, 
when the consul and their fellow citizens had now per- 
haps encountered the other Volscians, and were hazarding 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



their lives in battle, basely to misspend the time in 
running up and down for booty, and, under a pretence 
of enriching themselves, keep out of danger. 

Few paid him any attention, but, putting himself at 
the head of these, he took the road by which the consul's 
army had marched before him, encouraging his compan- 
ions, and beseeching them, as they went along, not to 
give up, and praying often to the gods, too, that he might 
be so happy as to arrive before the fight was over, and 
come seasonably up to assist Cominius, and partake in 
the peril of the action. 

It was customary with the Romans of that age, when 
they were moving into battle array, and were on the point 
of taking up their bucklers, and girding their coats about 
them, to make at the same time an unwritten will, or 
verbal testament, and to name who should be their heirs, 
in the hearing of three or four witnesses. In this precise 
posture Marcius found them at his arrival, the enemy 
being advanced within view. 

They were not a little disturbed by his first appearance, 
seeing him covered with blood and sweat, and attended 
with a small train ; but when he hastily made up to the 
consul with gladness in his looks, giving him his hand, 
and recounting to him how the city had been taken, and 
when they saw Cominius also embrace and salute him, 
every one took fresh heart ; those that were near enough 
hearing, and those that were at a distance guessing, what 
had happened ; and all cried out to be led to battle. 

First, however, Marcius desired to know of him how 
the Volscians had arrayed their army, and where they 

[152] 



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had placed their best men, and on his answering that he 
took the troops of the Antiates in the center to be their 
prime warriors, that would yield to none in bravery, "Let 
me then demand and obtain of you," said Marcius, "that 
we may be posted against them." 

The consul granted the request, w T ith much admiration 
of his gallantry. 

And when the conflict began by the soldiers darting at 
each other, and Marcius sallied out before the rest, the 
Volscians opposed to him were not able to make head 
against him ; wherever he fell in, he broke their ranks, 
and made a lane through them ; but the parties turning 
again, and enclosing him on each side with their weapons, 
the consul, who observed the danger he was in, despatched 
some of the choicest men he had for his rescue. 

The conflict then growing warm and sharp about Mar- 
cius, and many falling dead in a little space, the Romans 
bore so hard upon the enemies, and pressed them with 
such violence, that they forced them at length to abandon 
their ground, and to quit the field. And, going now to 
prosecute the victory, they besought Marcius, tired out 
with his toils, and faint and heavy through the loss of 
blood, that he would retire to the camp. He replied, 
however, that weariness was not for conquerors, and 
joined with them in the pursuit. The rest of the Volscian 
army was in like manner defeated, great numbers killed, 
and no less taken captive. 

The day after, w 7 hen Marcius, with the rest of the army, 
presented themselves at the consul's tent, Cominius rose, 
and having rendered all due acknowledgment to the gods 

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for the success of that enterprise, turned next to Marcius, 
and first of all delivered the strongest encomium upon his 
rare exploits, which he had partly been an eyewitness of 
himself, in the late battle, and had partly learned from 
the testimony of Lartius. And then he required him to 
choose a tenth part of all the treasure and horses and 
captives that had fallen into their hands, before any 
division should be made to others ; besides which, he 
made him the special present of a horse with trappings 
and ornaments, in honor of his actions. 

The whole army applauded ; Marcius, however, stepped 
forth, and declaring his thankful acceptance of the horse, 
and his gratification at the praises of his general, said 
that all other things, which he could only regard rather as 
mercenary advantages than any significations of honor, 
he must waive, and should be content with the ordinary 
proportion of such rewards. " I have only," said he, 
" one special grace to beg, and this I hope you will not 
deny me. There was a certain hospitable friend of mine 
among the Volscians, a man of probity and virtue, who is 
become a prisoner, and from former wealth and freedom 
is now reduced to servitude. Among his many mis- 
fortunes let my intercession redeem him from the one of 
being sold as a common slave." 

Such a refusal and such a request on the part of 
Marcius were followed with yet louder acclamations ; and 
he had many more admirers of this generous superiority 
to avarice, than of the bravery he had shown in battle. 
The very persons who conceived some envy and despite to 
see him so specially honored, could not but acknowledge, 

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CORIOLANUS 



that one who so nobly could refuse reward, was beyond 
others worthy to receive it ; and were more charmed with 
that virtue which made him despise advantage, than with 
any of those former actions that had gained him his title 
to it. It is the higher accomplishment to use money well 
than to use arms ; but not to need it is more noble than 
to use it. 

When the noise of approbation and applause ceased, 
Cominius, resuming, said, "It is idle, fellow soldiers, to 
force and obtrude those other gifts of ours on one who 
is unwilling to accept them ; let us, therefore, give him 
one of such a kind that he cannot well reject it ; let us 
pass a vote, I mean, that he shall hereafter be called 
Coriolanus, unless you think that his performance at 
Corioli has itself anticipated any such resolution." 

Hence, therefore, he had his third name of Coriolanus, 
making it all the plainer that Gaius was a personal proper 
name, and the second, or surname, Marcius, one common 
to his house and family ; the third being a subsequent 
addition which used to be imposed either from some par- 
ticular act or fortune, bodily characteristic, or good quality 
of the bearer. 

The war against the Volscians was no sooner at an 
end, than the popular orators revived domestic troubles, 
and raised another sedition, without any new cause of 
complaint or just grievance to proceed upon, but merely 
turning the very mischiefs that unavoidably ensued from 
their former contests into a pretext against the patricians. 

The greatest part of their arable land had been left 
unsown and without tillage, and the time of war allowing 

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them no means or leisure to import provision from other 
countries, there was an extreme scarcity. The movers of 
the people then observing, that there was no corn to be 
bought, and that, if there had been, they had no money 
to buy it, began to calumniate the wealthy with false 
stories, and whisper it about, as if they, out of malice, 
had purposely contrived the famine. 

Meanwhile, there came an embassy from the Velitrani, 
proposing to deliver up their city to the Romans, and 
desiring they would send some new inhabitants to people 
it, as a late pestilential disease had swept away so many 
of the natives, that there was hardly a tenth part remaining 
of their whole community. 

This necessity of the Velitrani was considered by all 
more prudent people as most opportune in the present 
state of affairs ; since the dearth made it needful to ease 
the city of its superfluous members, and they were in 
hope also, at the same time, to dissipate the gathering 
sedition by ridding themselves of the more violent and 
heated partisans, and discharging, so to say, the elements 
of disease and disorder in the state. 

The consuls, therefore, singled out such citizens to 
supply the desolation at Velitrae, and gave notice to 
others, that they should be ready to march against the 
Volscians, with the politic design of preventing intestine 
broils by employment abroad, and in the hope, that when 
rich as well as poor, plebeians and patricians, should be 
mingled again in the same army and the same camp, and 
engage in one common service for the public, it would 
mutually dispose them to reconciliation and friendship. 

[156] 



CORIOLANUS 



But Sicinius and Brutus, the popular orators, inter- 
posed, crying out that the consuls disguised the most 
cruel and barbarous action in the world under that mild 
and plausible name of a colony, and were simply precipi- 
tating so many poor citizens into a mere pit of destruc- 
tion, bidding them settle down in a country where the air 
was charged with disease, and the ground covered with 
dead bodies, and expose themselves to the evil influence 
of a strange and angered deity. And then, as if it would 
not satisfy their hatred to destroy some by hunger, and 
offer others to the mercy of a plague, they must proceed 
to involve them also in a needless war of their own 
making, that no calamity might be wanting to complete 
the punishment of the citizens for refusing to submit to 
that of slavery to the rich. 

By such addresses, the people were so possessed, that 
none of them would appear upon the consular summons 
to be enlisted for the war ; and they showed entire aver- 
sion to the proposal for a new plantation ; so that the 
senate was at a loss what to say or do. 

But Marcius, who began now to bear himself higher 
and to feel confidence in his past actions, conscious, too, 
of the admiration of the best and greatest men of Rome, 
openly took the lead in opposing the favorers of the 
people. 

The colony was despatched to Velitrae, those that were 
chosen by lot being compelled to depart upon high pen- 
alties ; and when they obstinately persisted in refusing to 
enroll themselves for the Volscian service, he mustered 
up his own clients, and as many others as could be 

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PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



wrought upon by persuasion, and with these made an in- 
road into the territories of the Antiates, where, finding a 
considerable quantity of corn, and collecting much booty, 
both of cattle and prisoners, he reserved nothing for him- 
self in private, but returned safe to Rome, while those 
that ventured out with him were seen laden with pillage, 
and driving their prey before them. 

This sight filled those that had stayed at home with 
regret for their perverseness, with envy at their fortunate 
fellow citizens, and with feelings of dislike to Marcius, 
and hostility to his growing reputation and power, which 
might probably be used against the popular interest. 

Not long after, he stood for the consulship ; when, 
however, the people began to relent and incline to favor 
him, being sensible what a shame it would be to repulse 
and affront a man of his birth and merit, after he had 
done them so many signal services. 

It was usual for those who stood for offices among 
them to solicit and address themselves personally to the 
citizens, presenting themselves in the Forum with the toga 
on alone, and no tunic under it ; either to promote their 
supplications by the humility of their dress, or that such 
as had received wounds might more readily display those 
marks of their fortitude. 

Certainly, it was not out of suspicion of bribery and 
corruption that they required all such petitioners for their 
favor to appear ungirt and open, without any close gar- 
ment ; as it was much later, and many ages after this, 
that buying and selling crept in at their elections, and 
money became an ingredient in the public suffrages ; 

[158] 



CORIOLANUS 



proceeding thence to attempt their tribunals, and even 
attack their camps, till, by hiring the valiant, and enslav- 
ing iron to silver, it grew master of the state, and turned 
their commonwealth into a monarchy. For it was well 
and truly said that the first destroyer of the liberties of a 
people is he who first gave them bounties and largesses. 

At Rome the mischief seems to have stolen secretly in, 
and by little and little, not being at once discerned and taken 
notice of. It is not certainly known who the man was that 
did there first either bribe the citizens, or corrupt the courts ; 
whereas, in Athens, Anytus, the son of Anthemion, is said 
to have been the first that gave money to the judges, when 
on his trial, toward the latter end of the Peloponnesian 
War, for letting the fort of Pylos fall into the hands of the 
enemy ; in a period while the pure and golden race of 
men were still in possession of the Roman Forum. 

Marcius, therefore, as the fashion of candidates was, 
showing the scars and gashes that were still visible on his 
body, from the many conflicts in which he had signalized 
himself during a service of seventeen years together, they 
were, so to say, put out of countenance at this display of 
merit, and told one another that they ought in common 
modesty to create him consul. 

But when the day of election was now come, and Marcius 
appeared in the Forum, with a pompous train of senators 
attending him, and the patricians all manifested greater 
concern, and seemed to be exerting greater efforts, than 
they had ever done before on the like occasion, the com- 
mons then fell off again from the kindness they had con- 
ceived for him, and in the place of their late benevolence, 

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PLUTARCH'S LIVES , 

began to feel something of indignation and envy ; passions 
assisted by the fear they entertained, that if a man of such 
aristocratic temper, and so influential among the patricians, 
should be invested with the power which that office would 
give him, he might employ it to deprive the people of all 
that liberty which was yet left them. 

In conclusion, they rejected Marcius. 

Two other names were announced, to the great mortifi- 
cation of the senators, who felt as if the indignity reflected 
rather upon themselves than on Marcius. He, for his part, 
could not bear the affront with any patience. He had always 
indulged his temper, and had regarded the proud and con- 
tentious element of human nature as a sort of nobleness 
and magnanimity ; reason and discipline had not imbued 
him with that solidity and equanimity which enters so 
largely into the virtues of the statesman. He had never 
learned how essential it is for any one who undertakes 
public business, and desires to deal with mankind, to avoid 
above all things that self-will, which, as Plato says, be- 
longs to the family of solitude ; and to pursue, above all 
things, that capacity so generally ridiculed, of submission 
to ill treatment. 

Marcius, straightforward and direct, and possessed with 
the idea that to vanquish and overbear all opposition is the 
true part of bravery, and never imagining that it was the 
weakness and womanishness of his nature that broke out, 
so to say, in these ulcerations of anger, retired, full of fury 
and bitterness against the people. 

The young patricians, too, all that were proudest and 
most conscious of their noble birth, had always been 

[160] 



CORIOLANUS 



devoted to his interest, and, adhering to him now, with a 
fidelity that did him no good, aggravated his resentment 
with the expression of their indignation and condolence. 
He had been their captain, and their willing instructor in 
the arts of war, when out upon expeditions, and their model 
in that true emulation and love of excellence which makes 
men extol, without envy or jealousy, each other's brave 
achievements. 

In the midst of these distempers, a large quantity of 
corn reached Rome, a great part bought up in Italy, but 
an equal amount sent as a present from Syracuse, from 
Gelo, then reigning there. 

Many began now to hope well of their affairs, supposing 
the city, by this means, would be delivered at once, both 
of its want and discord. A council, therefore, being pres- 
ently held, the people came flocking about the senate house, 
eagerly awaiting the issue of that deliberation, expecting 
that the market prices would now be less cruel, and that 
what had come as a gift, would be distributed as such. 

There were some within who so advised the senate ; but 
Marcius, standing up, sharply inveighed against those who 
spoke in favor of the multitude, calling them flatterers of 
the rabble, traitors to the nobility, and alleging, that, by 
such gratifications, they did but cherish those ill seeds of 
boldness and petulance that had been sown among the 
people, to their own prejudice, which they should have 
done well to observe and stifle at their first appearance, 
and not have suffered the plebeians to grow so strong, by 
granting them magistrates of such authority as the tribunes. 
They were, indeed, even now formidable to the state, since 

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PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



everything they desired was granted them ; no constraint 
was put on their will ; they refused obedience to the con- 
suls, and, overthrowing all law and magistracy, gave the 
title of magistrate to their private factious leaders. 

" When things are come to such a pass, for us to sit 
here and decree largesses and bounties for them, like those 
Greeks where the populace is supreme and absolute, what 
would it be else," said he, " but to take their disobedience 
into pay, and maintain it for the common ruin of us all ? 
They certainly cannot look upon these liberalities as a re- 
ward of public service, which they know they have so often 
deserted ; nor yet of those secessions, by which they openly 
renounced their country ; much less of the calumnies and 
slanders they have been always so ready to entertain against 
the senate; but will rather conclude that a bounty which 
seems to have no other visible cause or reason, must needs 
be the effect of our fear and flattery ; and will, therefore, 
set no limit to their disobedience, nor ever cease from 
disturbances and sedition. 

" Concession is mere madness ; if we have any wisdom 
and resolution at all, we shall, on the contrary, never rest 
till we have recovered from them that tribunician power 
they have extorted from us ; as being a plain subversion 
of the consulship, and a perpetual ground of separation in 
our city, that is no longer one, as heretofore, but has in 
this received such a wound and rupture, as is never likely 
to close and unite again, or suffer us to be of one mind, 
and to give over inflaming our distempers, and being a 
torment to each other." 

Marcius, with much more to this purpose, succeeded, to 

[162] 



CORIOLANUS 



an extraordinary degree, in inspiring the younger men with 
the same furious sentiments, and had almost all the wealthy 
on his side, who cried him up as the only person their city 
had, superior alike to force and flattery ; some of the older 
men, however, opposed him, suspecting the consequences. 
As, indeed, there came no good of it ; for the tribunes, 
who were present, perceiving how the proposal of Marcius 
took, ran out into the crowd with exclamations, calling 
on the plebeians to stand together, and come in to their 
assistance. 

The assembly met, and soon became tumultuous. The 
sum of what Marcius had spoken, having been reported to 
the people, excited them to such fury, that they were ready 
to break in upon the senate. The tribunes prevented this, 
by laying all the blame on Coriolanus, whom, therefore, 
they cited by their messengers to come before them, and 
defend himself. And when he contemptuously repulsed 
the officers who brought him the summons, they came 
themselves, with the aediles, or overseers of the market, 
proposing to carry him away by force, and, accordingly, 
began to lay hold on his person. 

The patricians, however, coming to his rescue, not only 
thrust off the tribunes, but also beat the sediles, that were 
their seconds in the quarrel ; night, approaching, put an 
end to the contest. But, as soon as it was day, the consuls, 
observing the people to be highly exasperated, and that 
they ran from all quarters and gathered in the Forum, were 
afraid for the whole city, so that, convening the senate 
afresh, they desired them to advise how they might best 
compose and pacify the incensed multitude by equitable 

[163] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 

language and indulgent decrees ; since, if they wisely 
considered the state of things, they would find that it 
was no time to stand upon terms of honor, and a mere 
point of glory; such a critical conjuncture called for gentle 
methods, and for temperate and humane counsels. 

The majority, therefore, of the senators giving way, the 
consuls proceeded to pacify the people in the best manner 
they were able, answering gently to such imputations and 
charges as had been cast upon the senate, and using much 
tenderness and moderation in the admonitions and reproofs 
they gave them. On the point of the price of provisions, 
they said, there should be no difference at all between them. 

When a great part of the commonalty was grown cool, 
and it appeared from their orderly and peaceful behavior 
that they had been very much appeased by what they had 
heard, the tribunes, standing up, declared, in the name 
of the people, that since the senate was pleased to act 
soberly and do them reason, they, likewise, should be 
ready to yield in all that was fair and equitable on their 
side ; they must insist, however, that Marcius should give 
in his answer to the several charges as follows : first, 
could he deny that he instigated the senate to overthrow 
the government and annul the privileges of the people ? 
and, in the next place, when called to account for it, did 
he not disobey their summons ? and, lastly, by the blows | 
and other public affronts to the sediles, had he not done 
all he could to commence a civil war ? 

These articles were brought in against him, with a 
design either to humble Marcius, and show his submis- 
sion, if, contrary to his nature, he should now court and 

[164] 



CORIOLANUS 



sue the people ; or, if he should follow his natural dis- 
position, which they rather expected from their judgment 
of his character, then that he might thus make the breach 
final between himself and the people. 

He- came, therefore, as it were, to make his apology, 
and clear himself ; in which belief the people kept silence, 
and gave him a quiet hearing. 

But when, instead of the submissive and deprecatory 
language expected from him, he began to use not only 
an offensive kind of freedom, seeming rather to accuse 
than apologize, but, as well by the tone of his voice as 
the air of his countenance, displayed a security that was 
not far from disdain and contempt of them, the whole 
multitude then became angry, and gave evident signs of 
impatience and disgust ; and Sicinius, the most violent 
of the tribunes, after a little private conference with his 
colleagues, proceeded solemnly to pronounce before them 
all, that Marcius was condemned to die by the tribunes 
of the people, and bid the aediles take him to the Tar- 
peian rock, and without delay throw him headlong from 
the precipice. 

When they, however, in compliance with the order, 
came to seize upon his body, many, even of the plebeian 
party, felt it to be a horrible and extravagant act ; the 
patricians, meantime, wholly beside themselves with dis- 
tress and horror, hurried up with cries to the rescue ; 
and while some made actual use of their hands to hinder 
the arrest, and, surrounding Marcius, got him in among 
them, others, as in so great a tumult no good could 
be done by words, stretched out theirs, beseeching the 

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PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



multitude that they would not proceed to such furious 
extremities ; and at length, the friends and acquaintance 
of the tribunes, wisely perceiving how impossible it would 
be to carry off Marcius to punishment without much 
bloodshed and slaughter of the nobility, persuaded them 
to forbear everything unusual and odious ; not to despatch 
him by any sudden violence, or without regular process, 
but refer the cause to the general suffrage of the people. 

Sicinius then, after a little pause, turning to the 
patricians, demanded what their meaning was, thus forci- 
bly to rescue Marcius out of the people's hands, as they 
were going to punish him ; when it was replied by them, 
on the other side, and the question put, " Rather, how 
came it into your minds, and what is it you design, thus 
to drag one of the worthiest men of Rome, without trial, 
to a barbarous and illegal execution ? " " Very well," said 
Sicinius, "you shall have no ground in this respect for 
quarrel or complaint against the people. The people 
grant your request, and your partisan shall be tried. We 
appoint you, Marcius," directing his speech to him, "the 
third market day ensuing, to appear and defend yourself, 
and to try if you can satisfy the Roman citizens of your 
innocence, who will then judge your case by vote." 

The patricians were content with such a truce and 
respite for that time, and gladly returned home, having 
for the present brought off Marcius in safety. 

During the interval before the appointed time, a war 
fell out with the Antiates, likely to be of some continu- 
ance, which gave them hope they might one way or other 
elude the judgment. The people, they presumed, would 

[166] 



CORIOLANUS 



become tractable, and their indignation lessen and languish 
by degrees in so long a space, if occupation and war did 
not wholly put it out of their mind. 

But when, contrary to expectation, they made a speedy 
agreement with the people of Antium, and the army 
came back to Rome, the patricians were again in great 
perplexity, and had frequent meetings to consider how 
things might be arranged, without either abandoning 
Marcius, or yet giving occasion to the popular orators 
to create new disorders. 

Appius Claudius, whom they counted among the sena- 
tors most averse to the popular interest, made a solemn 
declaration, and told them beforehand, that the senate 
would utterly destroy itself and betray the government, 
if they should once suffer the people to assume the 
authority of pronouncing sentence upon any of the patri- 
cians ; but the oldest senators and most favorable to the 
people maintained, on the other side, that the people 
would not be so harsh and severe upon them, as some 
were pleased to imagine, but rather become more gentle 
and humane upon the concession of that power, since it 
was not contempt of the senate, but the impression of 
being contemned by it, which made them pretend to such 
a prerogative. Let that be once allowed them as a mark 
of respect and kind feeling, and the mere possession of 
this power of voting would at once dispossess them of 
their animosity. 

When, therefore, Marcius saw that the senate was in 
pain and suspense upon his account, divided, as it were, 
betwixt their kindness for him and their apprehensions 

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PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



from the people, he desired to know of the tribunes what 
the crimes were they intended to charge him with, and 
what the heads of the indictment they would oblige him 
to plead to before the people ; and being told by them 
that he was to be impeached for attempting usurpation, 
and that they would prove him guilty of designing to 
establish arbitrary government, stepping forth upon this, 
" Let me go then," he said, "to clear myself from that 
imputation before an assembly of them ; I freely offer 
myself to any sort of trial, nor do I refuse any kind of 
punishment whatsoever; only," he continued, "let what 
you now mention be really made my accusation, and do 
not you play false with the senate." 

On their consenting to these terms, he came to his trial. 

But when the people met together, the tribunes, con- 
trary to all former practice, extorted first, that votes 
should be taken, not by centuries, but tribes ; a change, 
by which the indigent and factious rabble, that had no 
respect for honesty and justice, would be sure to carry 
it against those who were rich and well known, and 
accustomed to serve the state in war. 

In the next place, whereas they had engaged to prose- 
cute Marcius upon no other head but that of tyranny, 
which could never be made out against him, they relin- 
quished this plea, and urged, instead, his language in the 
senate against an abatement of the price of corn, and for 
the overthrow of the tribunician power ; adding further, 
as a new impeachment, the distribution that was made 
by him of the spoil and booty he had taken from the 
Antiates, when he overran their country, which he had 

[168] 



CORIOLANUS 



divided among those that had followed him, whereas it 
ought rather to have been brought into the public treasury ; 
which last accusation did, they say, more discompose 
Marcius than all the rest, as he had not anticipated he 
should ever be questioned on that subject, and, therefore, 
was less provided with any satisfactory answer to it on 
the sudden. 

And when, by way of excuse, he began to magnify 
the merits of those who had been partakers with him in 
the action, those that had stayed at home, being more 
numerous than the other, interrupted him with outcries. 

In conclusion, when they came to vote, a majority of 
three tribes condemned him ; the penalty being perpetual 
banishment. 

The sentence of his condemnation being pronounced, 
the people went away with greater triumph and exultation 
than they had ever shown for any victory over enemies ; 
while the senate was in grief and deep dejection, repent- 
ing now and vexed to the soul that they had not done and 
suffered all things rather than give way to the insolence of 
the people, and permit them to assume and abuse so great 
an authority. There was no need then to look at men's 
dresses, or other marks of distinction, to know one from 
another : any one who was glad was, beyond all doubt, a 
plebeian; any one who looked sorrowful, a patrician. 

Marcius alone, himself, was neither stunned nor hu- 
miliated. In mien, carriage, and countenance, he bore 
the appearance of entire composure, and while all his 
friends were full of distress, seemed the only man that 
was not touched with his misfortune. Not that either 

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PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



reflection taught him, or gentleness of temper made it 
natural for him, to submit : he was wholly possessed, 
on the contrary, with a profound and deep-seated fury, 
which passes with many for no pain at all. And pain, 
it is true, transmuted, so to say, by its own fiery heat 
into anger, loses every appearance of depression and 
feebleness ; the angry man makes a show of energy, 
as the man in a high fever does of natural heat, while, 
in fact, all this action of the soul is but mere diseased 
palpitation, distention, and inflammation. 

That such was his distempered state appeared presently 
plainly enough in his actions. On his return home, after 
saluting his mother and his wife, who were all in tears 
and full of loud lamentations, and exhorting them to 
moderate the sense they had of his calamity, he pro- 
ceeded at once to the city gates, whither all the nobility 
came to attend him ; and so, not so much as taking 
anything with him, or making any request to the com- 
pany, he departed from them, having only three or four 
clients with him. 

He continued solitary for a few days in a place in 
the country, distracted with a variety of counsels, such 
as rage and indignation suggested to him ; and proposing 
to himself no honorable or useful end, but only how he 
might best satisfy his revenge on the Romans, he resolved 
at length to raise up a heavy war against them from their 
nearest neighbors. He determined, first, to make trial of 
the Volscians, whom he knew to be still vigorous and 
flourishing, both in men and treasure, and he imagined 
their force and power was not so much abated, as their 

[170] 



CORIOLANUS 



spite and anger increased, by the late overthrows they 
had received from the Romans. 

There was a man of Antium, called Tullus Aufidius, 
who, for his wealth and bravery and the splendor of 
his family, had the respect and privilege of a king 
among the Volscians, but whom Marcius knew to have 
a particular hostility to himself, above all other Romans. 
Frequent menaces and challenges had passed in battle 
between them, and those exchanges of defiance to which 
their hot and eager emulation is apt to prompt young 
soldiers had added private animosity to their national 
feelings of opposition. 

Yet for all this, considering Tullus to have a certain 
generosity of temper, and knowing that no Volscian, so 
much as he, desired an occasion to requite upon the 
Romans the evils they had done, he did what much 
confirms the saying, that 

Hard and unequal is with wrath the strife, 
Which makes us buy its pleasure with our life. 

Putting on such a dress as would make him appear to 
any whom he might meet most unlike what he really 
was, thus, like Ulysses, 

The town he entered of his mortal foes. 

His arrival at Antium was about evening, and though 
several met him in the streets, yet he passed along with- 
out being known to any, and went directly to the house 
of Tullus, and, entering undiscovered, went up to the 
fire hearth, and seated himself there without speaking 
a word, covering up his head. 

[171] 



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Those of the family could not but wonder, and yet 
they were afraid either to raise or question him, for 
there was a certain air of majesty both in his posture 
and silence, but they recounted to Tullus, being then 
at supper, the strangeness of this accident. 

He immediately rose from table and came in, and 
asked him who he w r as, and for what business he came 
thither ; and then Marcius, unmuffling himself, and 
pausing awhile, "If," said he, "you cannot yet call 
me to mind, Tullus, or do not believe your eyes concern- 
ing me, I must of necessity be my own accuser. I am 
Gaius Marcius, the author of so much mischief to the 
Volscians ; of which, were I seeking to deny it, the 
surname of Coriolanus I now bear would be a sufficient 
evidence against me. 

" The one recompense I received for all the hardships 
and perils I have gone through, was the title that pro- 
claims my enmity to your nation, and this is the only 
thing which is still left me. Of all other advantages, 
I have been stripped and deprived by the envy and 
outrage of the Roman people, and the cowardice and 
treachery of the magistrates and those of my own order. 

" I am driven out as an exile, and become an humble 
suppliant at your hearth, not so much for safety and 
protection (should I have come hither, had I been afraid 
to die ?), as to seek vengeance against those that expelled 
me ; which, methinks, I have already obtained, by putting 
myself into your hands. 

" If, therefore, you have really a mind to attack your 
enemies, come then, make use of that affliction you see 

[ 172] 



CORIOLANUS 



me in to assist the enterprise, and convert my personal 
infelicity into a common blessing to the Volscians ; as, 
indeed, I am likely to be more serviceable in fighting 
for than against you, with the advantage, which I now 
possess, of knowing all the secrets of the enemy that 
I am attacking. But if you decline to make any further 
attempts, I am neither desirous to live myself, nor will it 
be well in you to preserve a person who has been your 
rival and adversary of old, and now, when he offers you 
his service, appears unprofitable and useless to you." 

Tullus, on hearing this, was extremely rejoiced, and 
giving him his right hand, exclaimed, " Rise, Marcius, 
and be of good courage ; it is a great happiness you 
bring to Antium, in the present you make us of your- 
self ; expect everything that is good from the Volscians." 

He then proceeded to feast and entertain him with 
every display of kindness, and for several days after, 
they were in close deliberations together on the prospects 
of a war. 

While this design was forming, there were great 
troubles and commotions at Rome, from the animosity 
of the senators against the people, heightened just now 
by the late condemnation of Marcius. 

Besides that, their soothsayers and priests, and even 
private persons, reported signs and prodigies not to be 
neglected ; one of which is stated to have occurred as 
follows : Titus Latinus, a man of ordinary condition, 
but of a quiet and virtuous character, free from all 
superstitious fancies, and yet more from vanity and ex- 
aggeration, had an apparition in his sleep, as if Jupiter 

[•73] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



came and bade him tell the senate, that it was with a 
bad and unacceptable dancer that they had headed his 
procession. Having beheld the vision, he said, he did 
not much attend to it at the first appearance ; but after 
he had seen and slighted it a second and third time, 
he had lost a hopeful son, and was himself struck with 
a palsy. 

He was brought into the senate on a litter to tell this, 
and the story goes, that he had no sooner delivered his 
message there, but he at once felt his strength return, 
and got upon his legs, and went home alone, without 
need of any support. 

The senators, in wonder and surprise, made a diligent 
search into the matter. That which his dream alluded 
to was this : some citizen had, for some heinous offence, 
given up a servant of his to the rest of his fellows, with 
charge to whip him first through the market, and then 
to kill him ; and while they were executing this com- 
mand, and scourging the wretch, who twisted and turned 
himself into all manner of shapes and unseemly motions, 
through the pain he was in, the solemn procession in 
honor of Jupiter chanced to follow at their heels. 

Several of the attendants were, indeed, scandalized at 
the sight, yet no one of them interfered, or acted further 
in the matter than merely to utter some common re- 
proaches and execrations on a master who inflicted so 
cruel a punishment. For the Romans treated their slaves 
with great humanity in these times, when, working and 
laboring themselves, and living together among them, 
they naturally were more gentle and familiar with them. 

[i74] 



CORIOLANUS 



When, therefore, Latinus had related his dream, and 
the senators were considering who this disagreeable and 
ungainly dancer could be, some of the company, having 
been struck with the strangeness of the punishment, 
called to mind and mentioned the miserable slave who 
was lashed through the streets and afterward put to 
death. The priests, when consulted, confirmed the con- 
jecture ; the master was punished, and orders given for 
a new celebration of the procession and the spectacles 
in honor of the god. 

Numa, in other respects also a wise arranger of religious 
offices, would seem to have been especially judicious in 
his direction, with a view to the attentiveness of the 
people, that, when the magistrates or priests performed 
any divine worship, a herald should go before, and pro- 
claim with a loud voice, tr Do this you are about,'' and 
so warn them to mind whatever sacred action they were 
engaged in, and not suffer any business or worldly avoca- 
tion to disturb and interrupt it ; most of the things which 
men do of this kind, being in a manner forced from 
them, and effected by constraint. 

It is usual with the Romans to recommence their 
sacrifices and processions and spectacles, not only upon 
such a cause as this, but for any slighter reason. If but 
one of the horses which drew the chariots upon which 
the images of their gods were placed, happened to fail 
and falter, or if the driver took hold of the reins with 
his left hand, they would decree that the whole operation 
should commence anew ; and, in latter ages, one and the 
same sacrifice was performed thirty times over, because 

[175] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 

of the occurrence of some defect or mistake or accident 
in the service. Such was the Roman reverence and 
caution in religious matters. 

Marcius and Tullus were now secretly discoursing of 
their project with the chief men of Antium, advising them 
to invade the Romans while they were at variance among 
themselves. And when shame appeared to hinder them 
from embracing the motion, as they had sworn to a truce 
and cessation of arms for the space of two years, the 
Romans themselves soon furnished them with a pretence, 
by making proclamation, out of some jealousy or slanderous 
report, in the midst of the spectacles, that all the Volscians 
who had come to see them should depart the city 
before sunset. 

Some affirm that this was a contrivance of Marcius, 
who sent a man privately to the consuls, falsely to accuse 
the Volscians of intending to fall upon the Romans during 
the games, and to set the city on fire. This public affront 
roused and inflamed their hostility to the Romans ; and 
Tullus, perceiving it, made his advantage of it, aggravating 
the fact, and working on their indignation, till he per- 
suaded them, at last, to despatch ambassadors to Rome, 
requiring the Romans to restore that part of their country 
and those towns which they had taken from the Volscians 
in the late war. 

When the Romans heard the message, they indignantly 
replied that the Volscians were the first that took up arms, 
but the Romans would be the last to lay them down. 

This answer being brought back, Tullus called a general 
assembly of the Volscians ; and the vote passing for a 

[i 7 6] 



CORIOLANUS 



war, he then proposed that they should call in Marcius, 
laying aside the remembrance of former grudges, and 
assuring themselves that the services they should now 
receive from him as a friend and associate, would abun- 
dantly outweigh any harm or damage he had done them 
when he was their enemy. Marcius was accordingly 
summoned, and having made his entrance, and spoken 
to the people, won their good opinion of his capacity, 
his skill, counsel, and boldness, not less by his present 
words than by his past actions. 

They joined him in commission with Tullus, to have 
full power as general of their forces in all that related to 
the war. 

Marcius, fearing lest the time that would be requisite 
to bring all the Volscians together in full preparation 
might be so long as to lose him the opportunity of action, 
left order with the chief persons and magistrates of the 
city to provide other things, while he himself, prevailing 
upon the most forward to assemble and march out with 
him as volunteers without staying to be enrolled, made 
a sudden inroad into the Roman confines, when nobody 
expected him, and possessed himself of so much booty, 
that the Volscians found they had more than they could 
either carry away or use in the camp. 

The abundance of provision which he gained, and the 
waste and havoc of the country which he made, were, 
however, of themselves and in his account, the smallest 
results of that invasion ; the great mischief he intended, 
and his special object in all, was to increase at Rome 
the suspicions entertained of the patricians, and to make 

[177] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



them upon worse terms with the people. With this view, 
while spoiling all the fields and destroying the property 
of other men, he took special care to preserve their farms 
and lands untouched, and would not allow his soldiers 
to ravage there, or seize upon anything which belonged 
to them. 

From hence their invectives and quarrels against one 
another broke out afresh, and rose to a greater height 
than ever ; the senators reproaching those of the com- 
monalty with their late injustice to Marcius ; while the 
plebeians, on their side, did not hesitate to accuse them 
of having, out of spite and revenge, solicited him to this 
enterprise, and thus, when others were involved in the 
miseries of a war by their means, they sat like uncon- 
cerned spectators, as being furnished with a guardian and 
protector abroad of their wealth and fortunes, in the very 
person of the public enemy. 

After this incursion and exploit, which was of great 
advantage to the Volscians, as they learned by it to grow 
more hardy and to contemn their enemy, Marcius drew 
them off, and returned in safety. 

But when the whole strength of the Volscians was 
brought together into the field, with great expedition and 
alacrity, it appeared so considerable a body, that they 
agreed to leave part in garrison, for the security of their 
towns, and with the other part to march against the Romans. 

Marcius now desired Tullus to choose which of the 
two charges would be most agreeable to him. Tullus 
answered, that since he knew Marcius to be equally val- 
iant with himself, and far more fortunate, he would have 

[i 7 8] 



CORIOLANUS 



him take the command of those that were going out to 
the war, while he made it his care to defend their cities 
at home, and provide all conveniences for the army abroad. 

Marcius thus reinforced, and much stronger than be- 
fore, moved first towards the city called Circeii, a Roman 
colony. He received its surrender, and did the inhabitants 
no injury ; passing thence, he entered and laid waste the 
country of the Latins, where he expected the Romans 
would meet him, as the Latins were their confederates and 
allies, and had often sent to demand succors from them. 

The people, however, on their part, showing little 
inclination for the service, and the consuls themselves 
being unwilling to run the hazard of a battle, when the 
time of their office was almost ready to expire, they dis- 
missed the Latin ambassadors without any effect ; so that 
Marcius, finding no army to oppose him, marched up to 
their cities, and, having taken by force Toleria, Labici, 
Pedum, and Bola, all of which offered resistance, not 
only plundered their houses, but made a prey likewise of 
their persons. 

Meantime, he showed particular regard for all such as 
came over to his party, and, for fear they might sustain 
any damage against his will, encamped at the greatest 
distance he could, and wholly abstained from the lands 
of their property. 

After, however, that he had made himself master of 
Bola, a town not above ten miles from Rome, where he 
found great treasure, and put almost all the adults to the 
sword ; and when, on this, the other Volscians that were 
ordered to stay behind and protect their cities, hearing 

[ J 79] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 

of his achievements and success, had not patience to 
remain any longer at home, but came hastening in their 
arms to Marcius, saying that he alone was their general 
and the sole commander they would own ; with all this, 
his name and renown spread thoughout all Italy, and 
universal wonder prevailed at the sudden and mighty 
revolution in the fortunes of two nations which the loss 
and the accession of a single man had effected. 

All at Rome was in great disorder ; they were utterly 
averse from fighting, and spent their whole time in 
cabals and disputes and reproaches against each other ; 
until news was brought that the enemy had laid close 
siege to Lavinium, where were the images and sacred 
things of their tutelar gods, and from whence they derived 
the origin of their nation, that being the first city which 
./Eneas built in Italy. 

These tidings produced a change as universal as it 
was extraordinary in the thoughts and inclinations of the 
people, but occasioned a yet stranger revulsion of feeling 
among the patricians. The people now were for repeal- 
ing the sentence against Marcius, and calling him back 
into the city ; whereas the senate, being assembled to 
preconsider the decree, opposed and finally rejected the 
proposal, either out of the mere humor of contradicting 
and withstanding the people in whatever they should 
desire, or because they were unwilling, perhaps, that he 
should owe his restoration to their kindness ; or having 
now conceived a displeasure against Marcius himself, who 
was bringing distress upon all alike, though he had not 
been ill treated by all, and was become a declared enemy 

[180] 



CORIOLANUS 

to his whole country, though he knew well enough that 
the principal and all the better men condoled with him, 
and suffered in his injuries. 

This resolution of theirs being made public, the people 
could proceed no further, having no authority to pass any- 
thing by suffrage, and enact it for a law, without a previous 
decree from the senate. 

When Marcius heard of this, he was more exasperated 
than ever, and, quitting the siege of Lavinium, marched 
furiously towards Rome, and encamped at a place called 
the Cluilian Ditches, about five miles from the city. 

The nearness of his approach did, indeed, create much 
terror and disturbance, yet it also ended their dissensions 
for the present ; as nobody now, whether consul or sena- 
tor, durst any longer contradict the people in their design 
of recalling Marcius ; but, seeing their women running 
affrighted up and down the streets, and the old men at 
prayer in every temple with tears and supplications, and 
that, in short, there was a general absence among them 
both of courage and wisdom to provide for their own 
safety, they came at last to be all of one mind, that the 
people had been in the right to propose as they did a 
reconciliation with Marcius, and that the senate was guilty 
of a fatal error to begin a quarrel with him when it was 
a time to forget offences, and they should have studied 
rather to appease him. 

It was, therefore, unanimously agreed by all parties, that 
ambassadors should be despatched, offering him return to 
his country, and desiring he would free them from the 
terrors and distresses of the war. 

[181] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



The persons sent by the senate with this message were 
chosen out of his kindred and acquaintance, who naturally 
expected a very kind reception at their first interview, 
upon the score of that relation and their old familiarity 
and friendship with him ; in which, however, they were 
much mistaken. Being led through the enemy's camp, 
they found him sitting in state amidst the chief men of 
the Volscians, looking insupportably proud and arrogant. 
He bade them declare the cause of their coming, which 
they did in the most gentle and tender terms, and with a 
behavior suitable to their language. 

When they had made an end of speaking, he returned 
them a sharp answer, full of bitterness and angry resent- 
ment, as to what concerned himself, and the ill usage he 
had received from them ; but as general of the Volscians, 
he demanded restitution of the cities and the lands which 
had been seized upon during the late war, and that the 
same rights and franchises should be granted them at 
Rome, which had been before accorded to the Latins ; 
since there could be no assurance that a peace would 
be firm and lasting, without fair and just conditions 
on both sides. He allowed them thirty days to consider 
and resolve. 

The ambassadors being departed, he withdrew his forces 
out of the Roman territory. This, those of the Volscians 
who had long envied his reputation, and could not endure 
to see the influence he had with the people, laid hold of, 
as the first matter of complaint against him. 

Among them was also Tullus himself, not for any 
wrong done him personally by Marcius, but through the 

[182] 



CORIOLANUS 



weakness incident to human nature. He could not help 
feeling mortified to find his own glory thus totally obscured, 
and himself overlooked and neglected now by the Vol- 
scians, who had so great an opinion of their new leader, 
that he alone was all to them, while other captains, they 
thought, should be content with that share of power, which 
he might think fit to accord. 

From hence the first seeds of complaint and accusation 
were scattered about in secret, and the malcontents met 
and heightened each other's indignation, saying, that to 
retreat as he did, was in effect to betray and deliver up, 
though not their cities and their arms, yet what was as 
bad, the critical times and opportunities for action, on 
which depend the preservation or the loss of everything 
else ; since in less than thirty days' space, for which he 
had given a respite from the war, there might happen the 
greatest changes in the world. 

Yet Marcius spent not any part of the time idly, but 
attacked the confederates of the enemy, ravaged their 
land, and took from them seven great and populous cities 
in that interval. 

The Romans, in the meanwhile, durst not venture out 
to their relief ; but were utterly fearful, and showed no 
more disposition or capacity for action, than if their bodies 
had been struck with a palsy, and become destitute of 
sense and motion. But when the thirty days were expired, 
and Marcius appeared again with his whole army, they 
sent another embassy to beseech him that he would mod- 
erate his displeasure, and would withdraw the Volscian 
army, and then make any proposals he thought best for 

[183] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



both parties ; the Romans would make no concessions 
to menaces, but if it were his opinion that the Volscians 
ought to have any favor shown them, upon laying down 
their arms they might obtain all they could in reason 
desire. 

The reply of Marcius was, that he should make no 
answer to this as general of the Volscians, but, in the 
quality still of a Roman citizen, he would advise and 
exhort them, as the case stood, not to carry it so high, 
but think rather of just compliance, and return to him, 
before three days were at an end, with a ratification of 
his previous demands ; otherwise, they must understand 
that they could not have any further freedom of passing 
through his camp upon idle errands. 

When the ambassadors were come back, and had 
acquainted the senate with the answer, seeing the whole 
state now threatened as it were by a tempest, and the 
waves ready to overwhelm them, they were forced, as we 
say in extreme perils, to let down the sacred anchor. A 
decree was made, that the whole order of their priests, 
those who initiated in the mysteries or had the custody 
of them, and those who, according to their ancient prac- 
tice of the country, divined from birds, should all and 
every one of them go in full procession to Marcius with 
their pontifical array, and the dress and habit which they 
respectively used in their several functions, and should 
urge him, as before, to withdraw his forces, and then 
treat with his countrymen in favor of the Volscians. 

He consented so far, indeed, as to give the deputation 
an admittance into his camp, but granted nothing at all, 

[i8 4 ] 



CORIOLANUS 



nor so much as expressed himself more mildly ; but, 
without capitulating or receding, bade them once for all 
choose whether they would yield or fight, since the old 
terms were the only terms of peace. 

When this solemn application proved ineffectual, the 
priests, too, returning unsuccessful, they determined to 
sit still within the city, and keep watch about their walls, 
intending only to repulse the enemy, should he offer to 
attack them, and placing their hopes chiefly in time and 
in extraordinary accidents of fortune ; as to themselves, 
they felt incapable of doing anything for their own deliv- 
erance ; mere confusion and terror and ill-boding reports 
possessed the whole city ; till at last a thing happened 
not unlike what we so often find represented, without, 
however, being accepted as true by people in general, in 
Homer. On some great and unusual occasion we find 
him say : 

But him the blue-eyed goddess did inspire ; 
and elsewhere : 

But some immortal turned my mind away, 
To think what others of the deed would say ; 

and again : 

Were 't his own thought or were 't a god's command. 

People are apt, in such passages, to censure and disre- 
gard the poet, as if, by the introduction of mere impossi- 
bilities and idle fictions, he were denying the action of 
a man's own deliberate thought and free choice ; which 
is not, in the least, the case in Homer's representation, 

[185] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



where the ordinary, probable, and habitual conclusions that 
common reason leads to are continually ascribed to our 
own direct agency. He certainly says frequently enough : 

But I consulted with my own great soul ; 

or, as in another passage : 

He spoke. Achilles, with quick pain possessed, 
Revolved two purposes in his strong breast ; 

and in a third : 

yet never to her wishes won 
The just mind of the brave Bellerophon. 

But where the act is something out of the way and 
extraordinary, and seems in a manner to demand some 
impulse of divine possession and sudden inspiration to 
account for it, here he does introduce divine agency, not 
to destroy, but to prompt the human will ; not to create 
in us another agency, but offering images to stimulate 
our own ; images that in no sort or kind make our action 
involuntary, but give occasion rather to spontaneous action, 
aided and sustained by feelings of confidence and hope. 

For either we must totally dismiss and exclude divine 
influences from every kind of causality and origination 
in what we do, or else what other way can we conceive 
in which divine aid and cooperation can act ? Certainly 
we cannot suppose that the divine beings actually and 
literally turn our bodies and direct our hands and our feet 
this way or that, to do what is right : it is obvious that 
they must actuate the practical and elective element of 
our nature, by images presented to the imagination, and 

[1S6] 



CORIOLANUS 



thoughts suggested to the mind, such either as to excite 
it to, or avert and withhold it from, any particular course. 

In the perplexity which I have described, the Roman 
women went, some to other temples, but the greater part, 
and the ladies of highest rank, to the altar of Jupiter 
Capitolinus. Among these suppliants was Valeria, sister 
to the great Poplicola, who did the Romans eminent serv- 
ice both in peace and war. Poplicola himself was now 
deceased, as is told in the history of his life ; but Valeria 
lived still, and enjoyed great respect and honor at Rome, 
her life and conduct no way disparaging her birth. 

She, suddenly seized with the sort of instinct or emotion 
of mind which I have described, and happily lighting, not 
without divine guidance, on the right expedient, both rose 
herself, and bade the others rise, and went directly with 
them to the house of Volumnia, the mother of Marcius. 

And coming in and finding her sitting with her 
daughter-in-law, and with her little grandchildren on her 
lap, Valeria, then surrounded by her female companions, 
spoke in the name of them all: "We that now make 
our appearance, O Volumnia, and you, Vergilia, are come 
as mere women to women, not by direction of the senate, 
or an order from the consuls, or the appointment of any 
other magistrate ; but the divine being himself, as I con- 
ceive, moved to compassion by our prayers, prompted us 
to visit you in a body, and request a thing on which our 
own and the common safety depends, and which, if you 
consent to it, will raise your glory above that of the 
daughters of the Sabines, who won over their fathers 
and their husbands from mortal enmity to peace and 

[187] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



friendship. Arise and come with us to Marcius ; join in 
our supplication, and bear for your country this true and 
just testimony on her behalf : that, notwithstanding the 
many mischiefs that have been done her, yet she has never 
outraged you, nor so much as thought of treating you ill, 
in all her resentment, but does now restore you safe into 
his hands, though there be small likelihood she should 
obtain from him any equitable terms." 

The words of Valeria were seconded by the acclama- 
tions of the other women, to which Volumnia made an- 
swer : "I and Vergilia, my countrywomen, have an equal 
share with you all in the common miseries, and we have 
the additional sorrow, which is wholly ours, that we have 
lost the merit and good fame of Marcius, and see his 
person confined, rather than protected, by the arms of 
the enemy. Yet I account this the greatest of all mis- 
fortunes, if indeed the affairs of Rome be sunk to so 
feeble a state as to have their last dependence upon us. 
For it is hardly imaginable he should have any considera- 
tion left for us, when he has no regard for the country 
which he was wont to prefer before his mother and wife 
and children. Make use, however, of our service ; and 
lead us, if you please, to him ; we are able, if nothing 
more, at least to spend our last breath in making suit 
to him for our country." 

Having spoken thus, she took Vergilia by the hand, 
and the young children, and so accompanied them to the 
Volscian camp. 

So lamentable a sight much affected the enemies them- 
selves, who viewed them in respectful silence. 

[188] 



CORIOLANUS 



Marcius was then sitting in his place, with his chief 
officers about him, and, seeing the party of women ad- 
vance toward them, wondered what should be the matter ; 
but perceiving at length that his mother was at the head 
of them, he would fain have hardened himself in his 
former inexorable temper, but, overcome by his feelings, 
and confounded at what he saw, he did not endure they 
should approach him sitting in state, but came down 
hastily to meet them, saluting his mother first, and em- 
bracing her a long time, and then his wife and children, 
sparing neither tears nor caresses, but suffering himself 
to be borne away and carried headlong, as it were, by 
the impetuous violence of his passion. 

When he had satisfied himself, and observed that his 
mother Volumnia was desirous to say something, the 
Volscian council being first called in, he heard her to 
the following effect : " Our dress and our very persons, 
my son, might tell you, though we should say nothing 
ourselves, in how forlorn a condition we have lived at 
home since your banishment and absence from us ; and 
now consider with yourself, whether we may not pass for 
the most unfortunate of all women, to have that sight, 
which should be the sweetest that we could see, con- 
verted, through I know not what fatality, to one of all 
others the most formidable and dreadful, Volumnia to 
behold her son, and Vergilia her husband, in arms against 
the walls of Rome. 

" Even prayer itself, whence others gain comfort and 
relief in all manner of misfortunes, is that which most 
adds to our confusion and distress ; since our best wishes 

[189] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



are inconsistent with themselves, nor can we at the same 
time petition the gods for Rome's victory and your pres- 
ervation, but what the worst of our enemies would impre- 
cate as a curse, is the very object of our vows. Your wife 
and children are under the sad necessity, that they must 
either be deprived of you, or of their native soil. 

" As for myself, I am resolved not to wait till war shall 
determine this alternative for me ; but if I cannot prevail 
with you to prefer amity and concord to quarrel and hos- 
tility, and to be the benefactor to both parties, rather than 
the destroyer of one of them, be assured of this from me, 
and reckon steadfastly upon it, that you shall not be able 
to reach your country, unless you trample first upon the 
corpse of her that brought you into life. For it will be 
ill in me to wait and loiter in the world till the day come 
wherein I shall see a child of mine, either led in triumph 
by his own countrymen, or triumphing over them. 

" Did I require you to save your country by ruining 
the Volscians, then, I confess, my son, the case would 
be hard for you to solve. It is base to bring destitution 
on our fellow citizens ; it is unjust to betray those who 
• have placed their confidence in us, But, as it is, we do 
but desire a deliverance equally expedient for them and 
us ; only more glorious and honorable on the Volscian 
side, who, as superior in arms, will be thought freely to 
bestow the two greatest of blessings, peace and friendship, 
even when they themselves receive the same. 

"If we obtain these, the common thanks will be chiefly 
due to you as the principal cause ; but if they be not 
granted, you alone must expect to bear the blame from 

[ *9°] 



CORIOLANUS 



both nations. The chance of all war is uncertain, yet thus 
much is certain in the present, that you, by conquering 
Rome, will only get the reputation of having undone your 
country ; but if the Volscians happened to be defeated 
under your conduct, then the world would say, that, to 
satisfy a revengeful humor, you brought misery on your 
friends and patrons/ ' 

Marcius listened to his mother while she spoke, with- 
out answering her a word ; and Volumnia, seeing him 
stand mute also for a long time after she had ceased, 
resumed: "O my son," said she, "what is the meaning 
of this silence ? Is it a duty to postpone everything to a 
sense of injuries, and wrong to gratify a mother in a re- 
quest like this ? Is it the characteristic of a great man 
to remember wrongs that have been done him, and not 
the part of a great and good man to remember benefits 
such as those that children receive from parents, and to 
requite them with honor and respect ? 

"You, methinks, who are so relentless in the punish- 
ment of the ungrateful, should not be more careless than 
others to be grateful yourself. You have punished your 
country already ; you have not yet paid your debt to me. 
Nature and religion, surely, unattended by any constraint, 
should have won your consent to petitions so worthy and 
so just as these ; but if it must be so, I will even use 
my last resource." 

Having said this, she threw herself down at his feet, 
as did also his wife and children ; upon which Marcius, 
crying out, " O mother ! what is it you have done to 
me?" raised her up from the ground, and pressing her 

[191] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 

right hand with more than ordinary vehemence, " You 
have gained a victory," said he, M fortunate enough for 
the Romans, but destructive to your son ; whom you, 
though none else, have defeated." After which, and a 
little ' private conference with his mother and his wife, he 
sent them back again to Rome, as they desired of him. 

The next morning, he broke up his camp, and led the 
Volscians homeward, variously affected with what he had 
done ; some of them complaining of him and condemn- 
ing his act, others, who were inclined to a peaceful 
conclusion, unfavorable to neither. A third party, while 
much disliking his proceedings, yet could not look upon 
Marcius as a treacherous person, but thought it pardon- 
able in him to be thus shaken and driven to surrender 
at last, under such compulsion. None, however, opposed 
his commands ; they all obediently followed him, though 
rather from admiration of his virtue, than any regard 
they now had to his authority. 

The Roman people, meantime, more effectually mani- 
fested how much fear and danger they had been in while 
the war lasted, by their deportment after they were freed 
from it. Those that guarded the walls had no sooner 
given notice that the Volscians were dislodged and drawn 
off, but they set open all their temples in a moment, and 
began to crown themselves with garlands and prepare for 
sacrifice, as they were wont to do upon tidings brought 
of any signal victory. 

But the joy and transport of the whole city was chiefly 
remarkable in the honors and marks of affection paid to 
the women, as well by the senate as the people in general ; 

[192] 



CORIOLANUS 



every one declaring that they were, beyond all question, 
the instruments of the public safety. And the senate 
having passed a decree that whatsoever they would ask 
in the way of any favor or honor should be allowed and 
done for them by the magistrates, they demanded simply 
that a temple might be erected to Female Fortune, the 
expense of which they offered to defray out of their own 
contributions, if the city would be at the cost of sacrifices, 
and other matters pertaining to the due honor of the 
gods, out of the common treasury. 

The senate, much commending their public spirit, 
caused the temple to be built and a statue set up in it 
at the public charge. 

When Marcius came back to Antium, Tullus, who 
thoroughly hated and greatly feared him, proceeded at 
once to contrive how he might immediately despatch 
him ; as, if he escaped now, he was never likely to give 
him such another advantage. Having, therefore, got 
together and suborned several partisans against him, he 
required Marcius to resign his charge, and give the 
Volscians an account of his administration. 

He, apprehending the danger of a private condition, 
while Tullus held the office of general and exercised the 
greatest power among his fellow citizens, made answer, 
that he was ready to lay down his commission, whenever 
those from whose common authority he had received it, 
should think fit to recall it, and that in the mean time 
he was ready to give the Antiates satisfaction, as to all 
particulars of his conduct, if they were desirous of it. 

An assembly was called, and popular speakers, as had 

[ i93] 



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been concerted, came forward to exasperate and incense 
the multitude ; but when Marcius stood up to answer, 
the more unruly and tumultuous part of the people 
became quiet on a sudden, and out of reverence allowed 
him to speak without the least disturbance; while all the 
better people, and such as were satisfied with a peace, 
made it evident by their whole behavior, that they would 
give him a favorable hearing, and judge and pronounce 
according to equity. 

Tullus, therefore, began to dread the issue of the 
defence he was going to make fpr himself ; for he was 
an admirable speaker, and the former services he had 
done the Volscians had procured and still preserved for 
him greater kindness than could be outweighed by any 
blame for his late conduct. Indeed, the very accusation 
itself was a proof and testimony of the greatness of his 
merits, since people could never have complained or 
thought themselves wronged, because Rome was not 
brought into their power, but that by his means they had 
come so near to taking it. For these reasons, the con- 
spirators judged it prudent not to make any further 
delays, nor to test the general feeling ; but the boldest 
of their faction, crying out that they ought not to listen 
to a traitor, nor allow him still to retain office and play 
the tyrant among them, fell upon Marcius in a body, and 
slew him there, none of those that were present offering 
to defend him. 

But it quickly appeared that the action was in nowise 
approved by the majority of the Volscians, who hurried 
out of their several cities to show respect to his corpse ; 

[ T 94] 



CORIOLANUS 



to which they gave honorable interment, adorning his 
sepulcher with arms and trophies, as the monument of a 
noble hero and a famous general. 

When the Romans heard tidings of his death, they 
gave no other signification either of honor or of anger 
towards him, but simply granted the request of the women, 
that they might put themselves into mourning and bewail 
him for ten months, as the usage was upon the loss of 
a father or a son or a brother. 

Marcius was no sooner deceased, but the Volscians 
felt the need of his assistance. They quarreled first 
with the ^Equians, their confederates and their friends, 
about the appointment of the general of their joint forces, 
and carried their dispute to the length of bloodshed and 
slaughter ; and were then defeated by the Romans in a 
pitched battle, where not only Tullus lost his life, but the 
principal flower of their whole army was cut in pieces ; 
so that they were forced to submit and accept of peace 
upon very dishonorable terms, becoming subjects of Rome, 
and pledging themselves to submission. 



[195] 



FAB1US 



[ 197 ] 



FABIUS 



FABIUS 

INTRODUCTION 




E HAVE seen, in the story of Coriolanus, 
how the patricians and plebeians were not like 
fellow countrymen, but hated each other as if 



they had been foreign enemies. And so it went on for 
a hundred years, all the time with wrangling, rioting, 
assassination, and even civil war. 

But the plebeians were constantly growing stronger, 
and forced the patricians to give up their exclusive 
privileges one by one, till at last the plebeians had just 
about the same rights as the patricians. Indeed, the 
rich plebeians joined with the patricians to form a new 
aristocracy, called the nobility. So, after this, instead of 
patricians, the ruling class in Rome were called nobles. 
At the same time, when the strife between patricians 
and plebeians had ceased, the city became so rich and 
prosperous, and made such great and rapid conquests, that 
the poor people too became thriving and contented, and 
for a long time there was good feeling and good order. 

The first important conquest which the Romans made 
was of the great Etruscan city of Veii, only ten miles 
away, north of the Tiber. By this conquest they nearly 
doubled their territory. And now Rome was so strong 
that it was able to make itself the master of the cities of 

[ i99] 



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the Latin League, instead of their leader, as it had been. 
So the Latin League was broken to pieces, and Rome 
ruled all the coast, from the river Tiber as far as 
Campania. 

Campania is a beautiful country, wonderfully fertile, 
between the coast and the mountains, on the Bay of 
Naples. Its chief city now is Naples, but in ancient 
times it was Capua, on the river Vulturnus, a few miles 
from the coast. Capua was a large and rich city, perhaps 
even larger than Rome at this time, and afterwards rank- 
ing next to Rome. It had been conquered by the Samnites, 
a powerful and warlike nation who lived in the high 
mountain region of central Italy, north and east of Cam- 
pania ; and thus by the conquest of Latium, the territory 
of the Romans came to border on that of the Samnites. 

The Samnites were, next to Rome, the most powerful 
nation of Italy ; for the Etruscans, who had once been 
the most powerful, were now weak and decaying. It did 
not take much provocation in those days to set two 
neighboring nations to fighting ; and a long series of 
wars now began, known as the Samnite Wars, which 
lasted, with some intervals, more than fifty years. 

In each of these wars the Romans came off victorious, 
and in each treaty of peace they gained some new terri- 
tory, until at last they were masters of all Italy, just as 
they had been of Latium. But we must not understand 
that they ruled the whole of Italy, just as they did the 
whole of Latium. A great deal of territory was conquered 
and made a part of the Roman domain ; but about half 
the Italian towns remained nominally independent. They 

[ 200 ] 



FABIUS 



were called allies, and governed themselves in all things, 
except that they were obliged to contribute troops to the 
Roman armies. 

After the Romans had in this way made themselves 
masters of Italy, they were tempted into a war for the 
possession of Sicily. This beautiful and fertile island 
had been colonized by the Greeks several hundred years 
before, about the same time that they established colonies 
on the southern coast of Italy. The largest Greek city 
in Italy was Tarentum, ranking next to Rome and Capua. 
But the greatest of all these Greek cities was Syracuse, 
in Sicily, which now ruled the eastern half of the island. 
The western part had been conquered by Carthage, a 
city in Africa, close by the modern city of Tunis. 

Carthage was at this time the chief commercial city 
in the world. It was a colony of the Phoenicians, and 
the inhabitants were therefore of the same race as the 
Hebrews and Arabians, the Semitic race. The Phoeni- 
cians were the most noted commercial people of an- 
tiquity, and their colony, Carthage, outstripped the 
mother country. The Carthaginians carried on trade 
in the western part of the Mediterranean, and had got 
possession of the islands in this part of the Mediterra- 
nean except the eastern portion of Sicily, belonging to 
Syracuse. 

Now, just as the Romans had begun to fight with the 
Samnites for the possession of Italy as soon as their 
domain touched that of the Samnites, so, as soon as 
they had got the whole of Italy, they began to fight 
with their new neighbors, the Carthaginians, for the 

[2QI] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



possession of Sicily. The wars with Carthage were 
called the Punic Wars, Punic being the Roman way 
of saying Phoenician. 

The First Punic War began two hundred and sixty- 
four years before Christ. It lasted twenty-three years. 
The result of this war was, that the Carthaginians gave 
up their half of Sicily, which the Romans now governed 
as a province. 

Shortly afterwards the Romans took advantage of a 
favorable opportunity, and dishonorably seized the islands 
of Sardinia and Corsica, which they made into a second 
province. 

The Carthaginians were indignant at this, as they had 
a good right to be, but they could neither prevent it nor 
revenge themselves, because they had been so weakened 
by the war. But they set themselves to acquire new pos- 
sessions ; and for this purpose their great general and 
statesman Hamilcar entered on a campaign to found a 
new empire in Spain. He subdued many cities and 
amassed great wealth. Not long after him his son 
Hannibal became commander in chief. 

The Romans were becoming uneasy, for they knew 
that as soon as the Carthaginians should be strong 
enough, they would try to get back the stolen posses- 
sions. But the Romans were engaged at this time in 
subduing the Gallic tribes and other nations of northern 
Italy, and could not do anything directly to check the 
advance of the Carthaginians in Spain. 

They made a treaty, however, in which the Cartha- 
ginians agreed not to cross the river Ebro, and not to 

[ 202 ] 



FABIUS 



disturb the Greek city of Saguntum, which was in 
alliance with Rome. 

Neither party had any intention of observing the treaty 
any longer than should be convenient ; and as soon as 
Hannibal thought that he was strong enough, he pro- 
ceeded to conquer Saguntum, and then set out at once 
to cross the Ebro and march to Italy. He began his 
march in the year 218 B.C. This was the beginning of 
the Second Punic War. 

After crossing the river Ebro, Hannibal made his way 
over the Pyrenees Mountains, along the coast of Gaul, 
and over the Alps, which he crossed possibly by what 
is now called the pass of Little Saint Bernard, just south 
of Mont Blanc. 

Northern Italy, which had just been conquered by 
the Romans, was occupied by Gallic tribes, and when 
Hannibal appeared among them, they hastened to join 
themselves to him, thinking that in this way they could 
rid themselves of the Roman yoke. 

This was what Hannibal expected. But he had not 
realized how much more steep and difficult the Alps were 
than any mountains he had ever seen before. His 
army suffered terribly in the passage, and reached Italy 
not only much fatigued and exhausted, but having lost 
more than half its numbers. Probably his losses by the 
march more than balanced the assistance he received 
from the Gauls. 

Another point in which Hannibal's calculations were 
at fault will appear in the life of Fabius. He knew that 
the Romans had established their power in Italy by long 

[203] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 

and hard-fought wars ; and he thought that the conquered 
Italians would gather round him as their deliverer, just 
as the Gauls had done. But the Italian towns had been 
left to govern themselves in all their internal affairs, 
and the Roman rule was on the whole so just and fair 
that there was no disposition to exchange it for that 
of foreigners. 

Hannibal was, however, so skillful a general, that he 
defeated the Romans in one battle after another, each 
victory being more decisive than the last, until it seemed 
that nothing could stand against him. 

It was when things were in this shape that Fabius 
Maximus was appointed dictator, and took command 
against him. 



[ 20 4] 



FABIUS 



1 1 NABIUS, who bore the honorable surname of Maxi- 
H mus, was in his childhood called The Lamb, on 
J I account of his extreme mildness of temper. His 
slowness in speaking, his long labor and pains in learn- 
ing, his deliberation in entering into the sports of other 
children, his easy submission to everybody, as if he had 
no will of his own, made those who judged superficially 
of him, the greater number, esteem him insensible and 
stupid ; and few only saw that this tardiness proceeded 
from stability, and discerned the greatness of his mind, 
and the lionlikeness of his temper. 

But as soon as he came into employments, his virtues 
exerted and showed themselves ; his reputed want of 
energy then was recognized by people in general, as a 
freedom from passion ; his slowness in words and actions, 
the effect of a true prudence ; his want of rapidity, and 
his sluggishness, as constancy and firmness. 

Living in a great commonwealth, surrounded by many 
enemies, he saw the wisdom of inuring his body (nature's 
own weapon) to warlike exercises, and disciplining his 
tongue for public oratory in a style conformable to his 
life and character. His eloquence, indeed, had not much 
of popular ornament, nor empty artifice, but there was in 
it great weight of sense ; it was strong and sententious, 



[ 2 °5] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



much after the way of Thucydides. We have yet extant 
his funeral oration upon the death of his son, who died 
consul, which he recited before the people. 

He was five times consul, and in his first consulship 
had the honor of a triumph for the victory he gained 
over the Ligurians, whom he defeated in a set battle, and 
drove them to take shelter in the Alps, from whence 
they never after made any inroad nor depredation upon 
their neighbors. 

After this, Hannibal came into Italy, who, at his first 
entrance, having gained a great battle near the river 
Trebia, traversed all Tuscany with his victorious army, 
and, desolating the country round about, filled Rome 
itself with astonishment and terror. 

Besides the more common signs of thunder and light- 
ning then happening, the report of several unheard-of 
and utterly strange portents much increased the popular 
consternation. For it was said that some targets sweated 
blood ; that at Antium, when they reaped their corn, 
many of the ears were filled with blood ; that it had 
rained red-hot stones ; that the Falerians had seen the 
heavens open and several scrolls falling down, in one 
of which was plainly written, " Mars himself stirs his 
arms." 

But these prodigies had no effect upon the impetuous 
and fiery temper of the consul Flaminius, whose natural 
promptness had been much heightened by his late unex- 
pected victory over the Gauls, when he fought them con- 
trary to the order of the senate and the advice of his 
colleague. 

[ 206] 



FABIUS 



Fabius, on the other side, thought it not seasonable to 
engage with the enemy ; not that he much regarded the 
prodigies, which he thought too strange to be easily under- 
stood, though many were alarmed by them ; but in regard 
that the Carthaginians were but few, and in want of money 
and supplies, he deemed it best not to meet in the field 
a general whose army had been tried in many encounters, 
and whose object was a battle, but to send aid to their 
allies, control the movements of the various subject cities, 
and let the force and vigor of Hannibal waste away and 
expire, like a flame, for want of aliment. 

These weighty reasons did not prevail with Flaminius, 
who protested he would never suffer the advance of the 
enemy to the city, nor be reduced, like Camillus in former 
time, to fight for Rome within the walls of Rome. Ac- 
cordingly he ordered the tribunes to draw out the army 
into the field ; and though he himself, leaping on horse- 
back to go out, was no sooner mounted but the beast, 
without any apparent cause, fell into so violent a fit of 
trembling and bounding that he cast his rider headlong 
on the ground, he was no ways deterred ; but proceeded 
as he had begun, and marched forward up to Hannibal, 
who was posted near the Lake Trasimenus in Tuscany. 

At the moment of this engagement, there happened 
so great an earthquake, that it destroyed several towns, 
altered the course of rivers, and carried off parts of high 
cliffs, yet such was the eagerness of the combatants, that 
they were entirely insensible of it. 

In this battle Flaminius fell, after many proofs of his 
strength and courage, and round about him all the bravest 

[ 207 ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



of the army ; in the whole, fifteen thousand were killed, 
and as many made prisoners. Hannibal, desirous to be- 
stow funeral honors upon the body of Flaminius, made 
diligent search after it, but could not find it among the 
dead, nor was it ever known what became of it. 

Upon the former engagement near Trebia, neither the 
general who wrote, nor the express who told the news, 
used straightforward and direct terms, nor related it other- 
wise than as a drawn battle, with equal loss on either 
side ; but on this occasion, as soon as Pomponius the 
praetor had the intelligence, he caused the people to 
assemble, and, without disguising or dissembling the 
matter, told them plainly, "We are beaten, O Romans, 
in a great battle ; the consul Flaminius is killed ; think, 
therefore, what is to be done for your safety." 

Letting loose his news like a gale of wind upon an 
open sea, he threw the city into utter confusion : in such 
consternation, their thoughts found no support or stay. 
The danger at hand at last awakened their judgments 
into a resolution to choose a dictator, who, by the sover- 
eign authority of his office, and by his personal wisdom 
and courage, might be able to manage the public affairs. 
Their choice unanimously fell upon Fabius, whose char- 
acter seemed equal to the greatness of the office ; whose 
age was so far advanced as to give him experience, with- 
out taking from him the vigor of action ; his body could 
execute what his soul designed ; and his temper was a 
happy compound of confidence and cautiousness. 

Fabius, being thus installed in the office of dictator, in 
the first place gave the command of the horse to Lucius 

[208] 



FABIUS 



Minucius ; and next asked leave of the senate for him- 
self, that in time of battle he might serve on horseback, 
which by an ancient law amongst the Romans was forbid 
to their generals ; whether it were, that, placing their 
greatest strength in their foot soldiers, they would have 
their commanders in chief posted amongst them, or else 
to let them know, that, how great and absolute soever 
their authority were, the people and senate were still 
their masters, of whom they must ask leave. 

Fabius, however, to make the authority of his charge 
more observable, and to render the people more submis- 
sive and obedient to him, caused himself to be accom- 
panied with the full body of four and twenty lictors ; and, 
when the surviving consul came to visit him, sent him 
word to dismiss his lictors with their fasces, the ensigns 
of authority, and appear before him as a private person. 

The first solemn action of his dictatorship w r as very 
fitly a religious one : an admonition to the people, that 
their late overthrow had not befallen them through want 
of courage in their soldiers, but through the neglect of 
divine ceremonies in the general. He therefore exhorted 
them not to fear the enemy, but by extraordinary honor 
to propitiate the gods. This he did, not to fill their minds 
with superstition, but by religious feeling to raise their 
courage, and lessen their fear of the enemy by inspiring 
the belief that Heaven was on their side. 

In this manner Fabius having given the people better 
heart for the future, by making them believe that the 
gods took their side, for his own part placed his whole 
confidence in himself, believing that the gods bestowed 

[209] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



victory and good fortune by the instrumentality of valor 
and of prudence ; and thus prepared, he set forth to 
oppose Hannibal, not with the intention to fight him, 
but with the purpose of wearing out and wasting the 
vigor of his arms by lapse of time, of meeting his want 
of resources by superior means, and by large numbers 
the smallness of his forces. 

With this design, he always encamped on the highest 
grounds, where the enemy's horse could have no access to 
him. Still he kept pace with them ; when they marched 
he followed them ; when they encamped he did the same, 
but at such a distance as not to be compelled to an en- 
gagement, and always keeping upon the hills, free from 
the insults of their horse ; by which means he gave them 
no rest, but kept them in a continual alarm. 

But this his dilatory way gave occasion in his own 
camp for suspicion of want of courage ; and this opinion 
prevailed yet more in Hannibal's army. Hannibal w T as 
himself the only man who was not deceived, who dis- 
cerned his skill and detected his tactics, and saw, unless 
he could by art or force bring him to battle, that the 
Carthaginians, unable to use the arms in which they were 
superior, and suffering the continual drain of lives and 
treasure in which they were inferior, would in the end 
come to nothing. 

He resolved, therefore, with all the arts and subtilties 
of war to break his measures, and to bring Fabius to an 
engagement ; like a cunning wrestler, watching every 
opportunity to get good hold and close with his adver- 
sary. He at one time attacked, and sought to distract 

[210] 



FABIUS 



his attention, tried to draw him off in various directions, 
endeavored in all ways to tempt him from his safe policy. 

All this artifice, though it had no effect upon the firm 
judgment and conviction of the dictator, yet upon the 
common soldier and even upon the general of the horse 
himself, it had too great an operation : Minucius, unsea- 
sonably eager for action, bold and confident, humored the 
soldiery, and himself contributed to fill them with wild 
eagerness and empty hopes, which they vented in re- 
proaches upon Fabius, calling him Hannibal's pedagogue, 
since he did nothing else but follow him up and down 
and wait upon him. 

At the same time, they cried up Minucius for the only 
captain worthy to command the Romans ; whose vanity 
and presumption rose so high in consequence, that he 
insolently jested at Fabius's encampments upon the 
mountains, saying that he seated them there as on a 
theater, to behold the flames and desolation of their coun- 
try. And he would sometimes ask the friends of the 
general, whether it were not his meaning, by thus leading 
them from mountain to mountain, to carry them at last 
(having no hopes on earth) up into heaven, or to hide 
them in the clouds from Hannibal's army ? 

When his friends reported these things to the dictator, 
persuading him that, to avoid the general obloquy, he 
should engage the enemy, his answer was, " I should be 
more fainthearted than they make me, if, through fear 
of idle reproaches, I. should abandon my own convictions. 
It is no inglorious thing to have fear for the safety of 
our country, but to be turned from one's course by men's 

[211] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



opinions, by blame, and by misrepresentation, shows a 
man unfit to hold an office such as this, which, by such 
conduct, he makes the slave of those whose errors it is 
his business to control.' ' 

An oversight of Hannibal occurred soon after. Desir- 
ous to refresh his horse in some good pasture grounds, 
and to draw off his army, he ordered his guides to conduct 
him to the district of Casinum. They, mistaking his bad 
pronunciation, led him and his army to the town of Casili- 
num, on the frontier of Campania. The country around 
is enclosed by mountains, with a valley opening towards 
the sea, in which the river overflowing forms a quantity 
of marsh land with deep banks of sand, and discharges 
itself into the sea on a very unsafe and rough shore. 

While Hannibal was proceeding hither, Fabius, by his 
knowledge of the roads, succeeded in making his way 
around before him, and despatched four thousand choice 
men to seize the exit from it and stop him up, and lodged 
the rest of his army upon the neighboring hills in the 
most advantageous places ; at the same time detaching a 
party of his lightest armed men to fall upon Hannibal's 
rear ; which they did with such success, that they cut off 
eight hundred of them, and put the whole army in disorder. 

Hannibal, finding the error and the danger he was 
fallen into, immediately crucified the guides ; but con- 
sidered the enemy to be so advantageously posted, that 
there was no hopes of breaking through them ; while his 
soldiers began to be despondent and terrified, and to 
think themselves surrounded with embarrassments too 
difficult to be surmounted. 

[212] 



FABIUS 



Thus reduced, Hannibal had recourse to stratagem ; he 
caused two thousand head of oxen which he had in his 
camp, to have torches or dry fagots well fastened to their 
horns, and lighting them in the beginning of the night, 
ordered the beasts to be driven on towards the heights 
commanding the passages out of the valley and the 
enemy's posts ; when this was done, he made his army 
in the dark leisurely march after them. 

The oxen at first kept a slow, orderly pace, and with 
their lighted heads resembled an army marching by night, 
astonishing the shepherds and herdsmen of the hills about. 
But when the fire had burnt down the horns of the beasts 
to the quick, they no longer observed their sober pace, 
but, unruly and wild with their pain, ran dispersed about, 
tossing their heads and scattering the fire round about 
them upon each other and setting light as they passed 
to the trees. 

This was a surprising spectacle to the Romans on guard 
upon the heights. Seeing flames which appeared to come 
from men advancing with torches, they were possessed 
with the alarm that the enemy was approaching in various 
quarters, and that they were being surrounded ; and, 
quitting their post, abandoned the pass, and precipitately 
retired to their camp on the hills. 

They were no sooner gone, but the light-armed of Han- 
nibal's men, according to his order, immediately seized 
the heights, and soon after the whole army, with all the 
baggage, came up and safely marched through the passes. 

Fabius, before the night was over, quickly found out 
the trick ; for some of the beasts fell into his hands ; but 

[ 2I 3] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



for fear of an ambush in the dark, he kept his men all 
night to their arms in the camp. As soon as it was day, 
he attacked the enemy in the rear, where, after a good 
deal of skirmishing in the uneven ground, the disorder 
might have become general, but that Hannibal detached 
from his van a body of Spaniards, who, of themselves 
active and nimble, were accustomed to the climbing of 
mountains. These briskly attacked the Roman troops who 
were in heavy armor, killed a good many, and left Fabius 
no longer in condition to follow the enemy. 

This action brought the extreme of obloquy and con- 
tempt upon the dictator ; they said it was now manifest 
that he was not only inferior to his adversary, as they 
had always thought, in courage, but even in that conduct, 
foresight, and generalship, by which he had proposed 
to bring the war to an end. 

And Hannibal, to enhance their anger against him, 
marched with his army close to the lands and possessions 
of Fabius, and, giving orders to his soldiers to burn and 
destroy all the country about, forbade them to do the 
least damage in the estates of the Roman general, and 
placed guards for their security. 

This, when reported at Rome, had the effect with the 
people which Hannibal desired. Their tribunes raised 
a thousand stories against him, chiefly at the instigation 
of Metilius, who, not so much out of hatred to him as 
out of friendship to Minucius, whose kinsman he was, 
thought by depressing Fabius to raise his friend. 

The senate on their part were also offended with him, 
for the bargain he had made with Hannibal about the 

[214] 



FABIUS 



exchange of prisoners, the conditions of which were, that, 
after exchange made of man for man, if any on either 
side remained, they should be redeemed at the price of 
two hundred and fifty drachmas a head. Upon the whole 
account, there remained two hundred and forty Romans 
unexchanged, and the senate now not only refused to 
allow money for the ransoms, but also reproached Fabius 
for making a contract, contrary to the honor and interest 
of the commonwealth, for redeeming men whose cowardice 
had put them in the hands of the enemy. 

Fabius heard and endured all this with invincible pa- 
tience ; and, having no money by him, and on the other 
side being resolved to keep his word with Hannibal and 
not to abandon the captives, he despatched his son to 
Rome to sell land, and to bring with him the price, suffi- 
cient to discharge the ransoms ; which was punctually 
performed by his son, and delivery accordingly made to 
him of the prisoners, amongst whom many, when they 
were released, made proposals to repay the money ; which 
Fabius in all cases declined. 

About this time, he was called to Rome by the priests, 
to assist, according to the duty of his office, at certain 
sacrifices, and was thus forced to leave the command of 
the army with Minucius ; but before he parted, not only 
charged him as his commander in chief, but besought 
and entreated him, not to come, in his absence, to a battle 
with Hannibal. 

His commands, entreaties, and advice were lost upon 
Minucius ; for his back was no sooner turned but the 
new general immediately sought occasions to attack the 

[215] 



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enemy. And notice being brought him that Hannibal 
had sent out a great part of his army to forage, he fell 
upon a detachment of the remainder, doing great execu- 
tion, and driving them to their very camp, with no little 
terror to the rest, who apprehended their breaking in 
upon them ; and when Hannibal had recalled his scat- 
tered forces to the camp, he, nevertheless, without any 
loss, made his retreat, a success which aggravated his 
boldness and presumption, and filled the soldiers with 
rash confidence. 

The news spread to Rome, where Fabius, on being 
told it, said that what he most feared was Minucius's suc- 
cess : but the people, highly elated, hurried to the Forum 
to listen to an address from Metilius the tribune, in which 
he infinitely extolled the valor of Minucius, and fell bit- 
terly upon Fabius, accusing him of a want not merely of 
courage, but even of loyalty ; and not only him, but also 
many other eminent and considerable persons ; saying 
that it was they that had brought the Carthaginians into 
Italy, with the design to destroy the liberty of the people ; 
for which end they had at once put the supreme authority 
into the hands of a single person, who by his slowness 
and delays might give Hannibal leisure to establish him- 
self in Italy, and the people of Carthage time and op- 
portunity to supply him with fresh succors to complete 
his conquest. 

Fabius came forward with no intention to answer the 
tribune, but only said, that they should expedite the sacri- 
fices, that so he might speedily return to the army to 
punish Minucius, who had presumed to fight contrary to 

[216] 



FA BIUS 



his orders ; words which immediately possessed the people 
with the belief that Minucius stood in danger of his life. 
For it was in the power of the dictator to imprison and 
to put to death, and they feared that Fabius, of a mild 
temper in general, would be as hard to be appeased when 
once irritated, as he was slow to be provoked. 

Nobody dared to raise his voice in opposition ; Metilius 
alone, whose office of tribune gave him security to say 
what he pleased (for in the time of a dictatorship that 
magistrate alone preserves his authority), boldly applied 
himself to the people in the behalf of Minucius : that they 
should not suffer him to be made a sacrifice to the enmity 
of Fabius, nor permit him to be destroyed, like the son 
of Manlius Torquatus, who was beheaded by his father 
for a victory fought and triumphantly won against order ; 
he exhorted them to take away from Fabius that abso- 
lute power of a dictator, and to put it into more worthy 
hands, better able and more inclined to use it for the 
public good. 

These impressions very much prevailed upon the people, 
though not so far as wholly to dispossess Fabius of the 
dictatorship. But they decreed that Minucius should have 
an equal authority with the dictator in the conduct of the 
war ; which was a thing then without precedent,- though 
a little later it was again practiced after the disaster at 
Cannae ; when the dictator, Marcus Junius, being with the 
army, they chose at Rome Fabius Buteo dictator, that he 
might create new senators, to supply the numerous places 
of those who were killed. But as soon as, once acting in 
public, he had filled those vacant places with a sufficient 

[217] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 

number, he immediately dismissed his lictors, and with- 
drew from all his attendance, and, mingling like a common 
person with the rest of the people, quietly went about his 
own affairs in the Forum. 

The enemies of Fabius thought they had sufficiently 
humiliated and subdued him by raising Minucius to be 
his equal in authority ; but they mistook the temper of 
the man who looked upon their folly as not his loss, but 
like Diogenes, who, being told that some persons derided 
him, made answer, " But I am not derided," meaning 
that only those were really insulted on whom such insults 
made an impression, so Fabius, with great tranquillity and 
unconcern, submitted to what happened, and contributed 
a proof to the argument of the philosophers that a just and 
good man is not capable of being dishonored. His only 
vexation arose from his fear lest this ill counsel, by sup- 
plying opportunities to the diseased military ambition of 
his subordinate, should damage the public cause. 

Lest the rashness of Minucius should now at once run 
headlong into some disaster, he returned with all privacy 
and speed to the army ; where he found Minucius so ele- 
vated with his new dignity, that, a joint authority not 
contenting him, he required by turns to have the com- 
mand of the army every other day. This Fabius rejected, 
but was contented that the army should be divided ; think- 
ing each general singly would better command his part, 
than partially command the whole. The first and fourth 
legion he took for his own division, the second and third 
he delivered to Minucius ; so also of the auxiliary forces 
each had an equal share. 

[ 2I 8] 



FABIUS 



Minucius, thus exalted, could not contain himself from 
boasting of his success in humiliating the high and power- 
ful office of the dictatorship. Fabius quietly reminded 
him that it was, in all wisdom, Hannibal, and not Fabius, 
whom he had to combat ; but if he must needs contend 
with his colleague, it had best be in diligence and care 
for the preservation of Rome ; that it might not be said, 
a man so favored by the people served them worse than 
he who had been ill-treated and disgraced by them. 

The young general, despising these admonitions as the 
false humility of age, immediately removed with the body 
of his army, and encamped by himself. Hannibal, who 
was not ignorant of all these passages, lay watching his 
advantage from them. 

It happened that between his army and that of Minu- 
cius there was a certain eminence, which seemed a very 
advantageous and not difficult post to encamp upon ; the 
level field around it appeared, from a distance, to be all 
smooth and even, though it had many inconsiderable 
ditches and dips in it, not discernible to the eye. 

Hannibal, had he pleased, could easily have possessed 
himself of this ground ; but he had reserved it for a 
bait, or train, in proper season, to draw the Romans to 
an engagement. Now that Minucius and Fabius were 
divided, he thought the opportunity fair for his purpose ; 
and, therefore, having in the nighttime lodged a con- 
venient number of his men in these ditches and hollow 
places, early in the morning he sent forth a small detach- 
ment, who, in the sight of Minucius, proceeded to possess 
themselves of the rising ground. 

[219 ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



According to his expectation, Minucius swallowed the 
bait, and first sends out his light troops, and after them 
some horse, to dislodge the enemy ; and, at last, when 
he saw Hannibal in person advancing to the assistance of 
his men, marched down with his whole army drawn up. 
He engaged with the troops on the eminence, and sus- 
tained their missiles ; the combat for some time was equal ; 
but as soon as Hannibal perceived that the whole army 
was now sufficiently advanced within the toils he had set 
for them, so that their backs were open to his men whom 
he had posted in the hollows, he gave the signal ; upon 
which they rushed forth from various quarters, and with 
loud cries furiously attacked Minucius in the rear. 

The surprise and the slaughter was great, and struck 
universal alarm and disorder through the whole army. 
Minucius himself lost all his confidence ; he looked from 
officer to officer, and found all alike unprepared to face 
the danger, and yielding to a flight, which, however, 
could not end in safety. The Numidian horsemen were 
already in full victory riding about the plain, cutting down 
the fugitives. 

Fabius was not ignorant of this danger of his country- 
men ; he foresaw what would happen from the rashness 
of Minucius, and the cunning of Hannibal ; and, there- 
fore, kept his men to their arms, in readiness to wait the 
event ; nor would he trust to the reports of others, but 
he himself, in front of his camp, viewed all that passed. 

When, therefore, he saw the army of Minucius encom- 
passed by the enemy, and that by their countenance 
and shifting their ground, they appeared more disposed 

[220] 



FABIUS 



to flight than to resistance, with a great sigh, striking 
his hand upon his thigh, he said to those about him, 
" O Hercules ! how much sooner than I expected, though 
later than he seemed to desire, hath Minucius destroyed 
himself ! " He then commanded the ensigns to be led 
forward and the army to follow, telling them, ft We must 
make haste to rescue Minucius, who is a valiant man, and 
a lover of his country ; and if he hath been too forward 
to engage the enemy, at another time we will tell him 
of it." 

Thus, at the head of his men, Fabius marched up to 
the enemy, and first cleared the plain of the Numidians ; 
and next fell upon those who were charging the Romans 
in the rear, cutting down all that made opposition, and 
obliging the rest to save themselves by a hasty retreat, 
lest they should be environed as the Romans had been. 

Hannibal, seeing so sudden a change of affairs, and 
Fabius, beyond the force of his age, opening his way 
through the ranks up the hillside, that he might join 
Minucius, warily forbore, sounded a retreat, and drew off 
his men into their camp ; while the Romans on their part 
were no less contented to retire in safety. It is reported 
that upon this occasion Hannibal said jestingly to his 
friends : " Did not I tell you, that this cloud which always 
hovered upon the mountains would, at some time or other, 
come down with a storm upon us ? " 

Fabius, after his men had picked up the spoils of the 
field, retired to his own camp, without saying any harsh 
or reproachful thing to his colleague ; who also on his 
part, gathering his army together, spoke and said to 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



them: " To conduct great matters and never commit a 
fault is above the force of human nature ; but to learn 
and improve by the faults we have committed, is that 
which becomes a good and sensible man. Some reasons 
I may have to accuse fortune, but I have many more to 
thank her ; for in a few hours she hath cured a long 
mistake, and taught me that I am not the man who should 
command others, but have need of another to command 
me ; and that we are not to contend for victory over 
those to whom it is our advantage to yield. Therefore 
in everything else henceforth the dictator must be your 
commander ; only in showing gratitude towards him I 
will still be your leader, and always be the first to obey 
his orders." 

Having said this, he commanded the Roman eagles 
to move forward, and all his men to follow him to the 
camp of Fabius. The soldiers, then, as he entered, stood 
amazed at the novelty of the sight, and were anxious 
and doubtful what the meaning might be. 

When he came near the dictator's tent, Fabius went 
forth to meet him, on which he at once laid his standards 
at his feet, calling him with a loud voice his father ; 
while the soldiers with him saluted the soldiers here as 
their patrons, the term employed by freedmen to those 
who gave them their liberty. 

After silence was obtained, Minucius said, " You have 
this day, O dictator, obtained two victories ; one by your 
valor and conduct over Hannibal, and another by your 
wisdom and goodness over your colleague ; by one vic- 
tory you preserved, and by the other instructed us ; and 

[ 222 ] 



FA BIU S 



when we were already suffering one shameful defeat 
from Hannibal, by another welcome one from you we 
were restored to honor and safety. I can address you by 
no nobler name than that of a kind father, though a 
father's beneficence falls short of that I have received 
from you. From a father I individually received the gift 
of life ; to you I owe its preservation not for myself only, 
but for all these who are under me." 

After this, he threw himself into the arms of the dic- 
tator ; and in the same manner the soldiers of each army 
embraced one another with gladness and tears of joy. 

Not long after, Fabius laid down the dictatorship, and 
consuls were again created. Those who immediately suc- 
ceeded, observed the same method in managing the war, 
and avoided all occasions of fighting Hannibal in a pitched 
battle ; they only succored their allies, and preserved the 
towns from falling off to the enemy. 

But afterwards, when Terentius Varro, a man of obscure 
birth, but very popular and bold, had obtained the consul- 
ship, he soon made it appear that by his rashness and 
ignorance he would stake the whole commonwealth on 
the hazard. For it was his custom to declaim in all as- 
semblies, that, as long as Rome employed generals like 
Fabius, there never would be an end of the war; vaunt- 
ing that whenever he should get sight of the enemy, he 
would that same day free Italy from the strangers. 

With these promises he so prevailed, that he raised a 
greater army than had ever yet been sent out of Rome. 
There were enlisted eighty-eight thousand fighting men ; 
but what gave confidence to the populace, only terrified 

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the wise and experienced, and none more than Fabius ; 
since if so great a body, and the flower of the Roman 
youth, should be cut off, they could not see any new 
resource for the safety of Rome. 

They addressed themselves, therefore, to the other 
consul, ^Emilius Paulus, a man of great experience in 
war, but unpopular, and fearful also of the people, who 
once before upon some impeachment had condemned 
him ; so that he needed encouragement to withstand his 
colleague's temerity. Fabius told him, if he would profit- 
ably serve his country, he must no less oppose Varro's 
ignorant eagerness than Hannibal's conscious readiness, 
since both alike conspired to decide the fate of Rome 
by a battle. "It is more reasonable," he said to him, 
" that you should believe me than Varro, in matters re- 
lating to Hannibal, when I tell you, that if for this year 
you abstain from fighting with him, either his army will 
perish of itself, or else he will be glad to depart of his 
own will. This evidently appears, inasmuch as, notwith- 
standing his victories, none of the countries or towns of 
Italy come in to him, and his army is not now the third 
part of what it was at first." 

To this Paulus is said to have replied, " Did I only 
consider myself, I should rather choose to be exposed 
to the weapons of Hannibal than once more to the 
suffrages of my fellow citizens, who are urgent for what 
you disapprove ; yet since the cause of Rome is at stake, 
I will rather seek in my conduct to please and obey 
Fabius than all the world besides." 

These good measures were defeated by the importunity 
[224] 



FABIUS 



of Varro ; whom, when they were both come to the army, 
nothing would content but a separate command, that each 
consul should have his day ; and when his turn came, 
he posted his army close to Hannibal, at a village called 
Cannae, by the river Aufidus. It was no sooner day, but 
he set up the scarlet coat flying over his tent, which 
was the signal of battle. 

This boldness of the consul, and the numerousness of 
his army, double theirs, startled the Carthaginians ; but 
Hannibal commanded them to their arms, and with a 
small train rode out to take a full prospect of the enemy 
as they were now forming in their ranks, from a rising 
ground not far distant. 

One of his followers, called Gisco, a Carthaginian 
of equal rank with himself, told him that the numbers 
of the enemy were astonishing ; to which Hannibal 
replied, with a serious countenance, "There is one thing, 
Gisco, yet more astonishing, which you take no notice 
of " ; and when Gisco inquired what, answered, that " in 
all those great numbers before us, there is not one man 
called Gisco." 

This unexpected jest of their general made all the 
company laugh, and as they came down from the hill, 
they told it to those whom they met, which caused 
a general laughter amongst them all, from which they 
were hardly able to recover themselves. The army, see- 
ing Hannibal's attendants come back from viewing the 
enemy in such a laughing condition, concluded that it 
must be profound contempt of the enemy, that made 
their general at this moment indulge in such hilarity. 

["5] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



According to his usual manner, Hannibal employed 
stratagems to advantage himself. In the first place, he so 
drew up his men that the wind was at their backs, which 
at that time blew with a perfect storm of violence, and, 
sweeping over the great plains of sand, carried before it 
a cloud of dust over the Carthaginian army into the faces 
of the Romans, which much disturbed them in the fight. 
In the next place, all his best men he put into his wings ; 
and in the body, which was somewhat more advanced 
than the wings, placed the worst and the weakest of 
his army. 

He commanded those in the wings, that, when the 
enemy had made a thorough charge upon that middle 
advanced body, which he knew would recoil, as not being 
able to withstand their shock, and when the Romans, in 
their pursuit, should be far enough engaged within the two 
wings, they should, both on the right and the left, charge 
them in the flank, and endeavor to encompass them. 

This appears to have been the chief cause of the 
Roman loss. Pressing upon Hannibal's front, which 
gave ground, they reduced the form of his army into 
a perfect half-moon, and gave ample opportunity to the 
captains of the chosen troops to charge them right and 
left on their flanks, and to cut off and destroy all who 
did not fall back before the Carthaginian wings united 
in their rear. 

To this general calamity, it is also said, that a strange 
mistake among the cavalry much contributed. For the 
horse of ^Emilius receiving a hurt and throwing his 
master, those about him immediately alighted to aid the 

[ 226] 



FABIUS 



consul ; and the Roman troops, seeing their commanders 
thus quitting their horses, took it for a sign that they 
should all dismount and charge the enemy on foot. At 
the sight of this, Hannibal was heard to say, " This 
pleases me better than if they had been delivered to me 
bound hand and foot." 

For the particulars of this engagement, we refer our 
reader to those authors who have written at large upon 
the subject. 

The consul Varro, with a thin company, fled to Venu- 
sia ; iEmilius Paulus, unable any longer to oppose the 
flight of his men, or the pursuit of the enemy, his body 
all covered with wounds, and his soul no less wounded 
with grief, sat himself down upon a stone, expecting the 
kindness of a despatching blow. His face was so dis- 
figured, and all his person so stained with blood, that his 
very friends and domestics passing by knew him not. 

At last Cornelius Lentulus, a young man of patrician 
race, perceiving who he was, alighted from his horse, 
and, tendering it to him, desired him to get up and 
save a life so necessary to the safety of the common- 
wealth, which, at this time, would dearly want so great 
a captain. But nothing could prevail upon him to accept 
of the offer ; he obliged young Lentulus, with tears in 
his eyes, to remount his horse ; then standing up, he 
gave him his hand, and commanded him to tell Fabius 
Maximus that yEmilius Paulus had followed his direc- 
tions to his very last, and had not in the least deviated 
from those measures which were agreed between them ; 
but that it was his hard fate to be overpowered by Varro 

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PLUTARCH'S LIVES 

in the first place, and secondly by Hannibal. Having 
despatched Lentulus with this commission, he marked 
where the slaughter was greatest, and there threw him- 
self upon the swords of the enemy. 

In this battle it is reported that fifty thousand Romans 
were slain, four thousand prisoners taken in the field, 
and ten thousand in the camp of both consuls. 

The friends of Hannibal earnestly persuaded him to 
follow up his victory, and pursue the flying Romans into 
the very gates of Rome, assuring him that in five days' 
time he might sup in the Capitol ; nor is it easy to 
imagine what consideration hindered him from it. It 
would seem rather that some supernatural or divine 
intervention caused the hesitation and timidity which 
he now displayed, and which made Barcas, a Cartha- 
ginian, tell him with indignation, "You know, Hannibal, 
how to gain a victory, but not how to use it." 

Yet it produced a marvelous revolution in his affairs ; 
he, who hitherto had not one town, market, or seaport 
in his possession, who had nothing for the subsistence 
of his men but what he pillaged from day to day, who 
had no place of retreat or basis of operation, but was 
roving, as it were, with a huge troop of banditti, now 
became master of the best provinces and towns of Italy, 
and of Capua itself, next to Rome the most flourishing 
and opulent city, all which came over to him, and sub- 
mitted to his authority. 

It is the saying of Euripides, that "a man is in ill 
case when he must try a friend," and so neither, it 
would seem, is a state in a good one, when it needs an 

[228] 



FA BIUS 



able general. And so it was with the Romans ; the 
counsels and actions of Fabius, which, before the battle, 
they had branded as cowardice and fear, now, in the 
other extreme, they accounted to have been more than 
human wisdom ; as though nothing but a divine power 
of intellect could have seen so far, and foretold, contrary 
to the judgment of all others, a result which, even now 
it had arrived, was hardly credible. 

In him, therefore, they placed their whole remaining 
hopes ; his wisdom was the sacred altar and temple to 
which they fled for refuge, and his counsels, more than 
anything, preserved them from dispersing and deserting 
their city, as in the time when the Gauls took possession 
of Rome. He, whom they esteemed fearful and pusil- 
lanimous when they were, as they thought, in a pros- 
perous condition, was now the only man, in this general 
and unbounded dejection and confusion, who showed no 
fear, but walked the streets with an assured and serene 
countenance, addressed his fellow citizens, checked the 
women's lamentations, and the public gatherings of those 
who wanted thus to vent their sorrows. He caused the 
senate to meet, he heartened up the magistrates, and was 
himself as the soul and life of every office. 

He placed guards at the gates of the city to stop the 
frighted multitude from flying ; he regulated and confined 
their mournings for their slain friends, both as to time 
and place ; ordering that each family should perform 
such observances within private walls, and that they 
should continue only the space of one month, and then 
the whole city should be purified. 

[ 22 9 ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



The feast of Ceres happening to fall within this 
time, it was decreed that the solemnity should be inter- 
mitted, lest the fewness, and the sorrowful countenance 
of those who should celebrate it, might too much expose 
to the people the greatness of their loss ; besides that, 
the worship most acceptable to the gods is that which 
comes from cheerful hearts. But those rites which were 
proper for appeasing their anger, and procuring auspicious 
signs and presages, were by the direction of the augurs 
carefully performed. 

Above all, let us admire the high spirit and equa- 
nimity of this Roman commonwealth ; that when the 
consul Varro came beaten and flying home, full of 
shame and humiliation, after he had so disgracefully 
and calamitously managed their affairs, yet the whole 
senate and people went forth to meet him at the gates 
of the city, and received him with honor and respect. 
And, silence being commanded, the magistrates and 
chief of the senate, Fabius amongst them, commended 
him before the people, because he did not despair of 
the safety of the commonwealth, after so great a loss, 
but was come to take the government into his hands, 
to execute the laws, and aid his fellow citizens in their 
prospect of future deliverance. 

When word was brought to Rome that Hannibal, after 
the fight, had marched with his army into other parts 
of Italy, the hearts of the Romans began to revive, and 
they proceeded to send out generals and armies. The 
most distinguished commands were held by Fabius Maxi- 
mus and Claudius Marcellus, both generals of great 

[230] 



FABIUS 



fame, though upon opposite grounds. For Marcellus, as 
we have set forth in his life, was a man of action and 
high spirit, ready and bold with his own hand, and, as 
Homer describes his warriors, fierce, and delighting in 
fights. Boldness, enterprise, and daring, to match those 
of Hannibal, constituted his tactics, and marked his 
engagements. 

But Fabius adhered to his former principles, still per- 
suaded that, by following close and not fighting him, 
Hannibal and his army would at last be tired out and 
consumed, like a wrestler in too high condition, whose 
very excess of strength makes him the more likely 
suddenly to give way and lose it. 

Posidonius tells us that the Romans called Marcellus 
their sword, and Fabius their buckler ; and that the 
vigor of the one, mixed with the steadiness of the other, 
made a happy compound that proved the salvation of 
Rome. So that Hannibal found by experience that, 
encountering the one, he met with a rapid, impetuous 
river, which drove him back, and still made some breach 
upon him ; and by the other, though silently and quietly 
passing by him, he was insensibly washed away and con- 
sumed ; and, at last, was brought to this, that he dreaded 
Marcellus when he was in motion, and Fabius when he 
sat still. 

During the whole course of this war, he had still to 
do with one or both of these generals ; for each of them 
was five times consul, and, as praetors or proconsuls or 
consuls, they had always a part in the government of 
the army, till, at last, Marcellus fell into the trap 

[ 2 3i ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



which Hannibal had laid for him, and was killed in 
his fifth consulship. 

But all his craft and subtlety were unsuccessful upon 
Fabius, who only once was in some danger of being 
caught, when counterfeit letters came to him from the 
principal inhabitants of Metapontum, with promises to 
deliver up their town if he would come before it with 
his army, and intimations that they should expect him. 
This train had almost drawn him in ; he resolved to 
march to them with part of his army, and was diverted 
only by consulting the omens of the birds, which he 
found to be inauspicious ; and not long after it was dis- 
covered that the letters had been forged by Hannibal, 
who, for his reception, had laid an ambush to entertain 
him. This, perhaps, we must rather attribute to the 
favor of the gods than to the prudence of Fabius. 

In preserving the towns and allies from revolt by fair 
and gentle treatment, and in not using rigor, or showing 
a suspicion upon every light suggestion, his conduct was 
remarkable. It is told of him, that, being informed of 
a certain Marsian, eminent for courage and good birth, 
who had been speaking underhand with some of the 
soldiers about deserting, Fabius was so far from using 
severity against him, that he called for him, and told 
him he was sensible of the neglect that had been shown 
to his merit and good service, which, he said, was a 
great fault in the commanders who reward more by favor 
than by desert; "but henceforward, whenever you are 
aggrieved," said Fabius, " I shall consider it your fault, 
if you apply yourself to any but to me " ; and when he 

[ 2 3 2 ] 



FABIUS 



had so spoken, he bestowed an excellent horse and 
other presents upon him ; and, from that time forwards, 
there was not a faithfuler and more trusty man in the 
whole army. 

With good reason he judged, that, if those who have 
the government of horses and dogs endeavor by gentle 
usage to cure their angry and untractable tempers, rather 
than by cruelty and beating, much more should those 
who have the command of men try to bring them to 
order and discipline by the mildest and fairest means, 
and not treat them worse than gardeners do those wild 
plants, which, with care and attention, lose gradually the 
savageness of their nature, and bear excellent fruit. 

At another time, some of his officers informed him 
that one of their men was very often absent from his 
place, and out at nights ; he asked them what kind of 
man he was ; they all answered, that the whole army 
had not a better man, that he was a native of Lucania, 
and proceeded to speak of several actions which they had 
seen him perform. 

Fabius made strict inquiry, and discovered at last that 
these frequent excursions which he ventured upon were to 
visit a young girl, with whom he was in love. Upon which 
he gave private order to some of his men to find out the 
woman and secretly convey her into his own tent ; and 
then sent for the Lucanian, and, calling him aside, told 
him, that he very well knew how often he had been out 
away from the camp at night, which was a capital trans- 
gression against military discipline and the Roman laws, 
but he knew also how brave he was, and the good services 

[ 2 33 ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



he had done ; therefore, in consideration of them, he was 
willing to forgive him his fault ; but to keep him in good 
order, he was resolved to place one over him to be his 
keeper, who should be accountable for his good behavior. 

Having said this, he produced the woman, and told the 
soldier, terrified and amazed at the adventure, " This is 
the person who must answer for you ; and by your future 
behavior we shall see whether your night rambles were on 
account of love, or for any other worse design." 

Another passage there was, something of the same kind, 
which gained him possession of Tarentum. There was a 
young Tarentine in the army that had a sister in Tarentum, 
then in possession of the enemy, who entirely loved her 
brother, and wholly depended upon him. He, being in- 
formed that a certain Bruttian, whom Hannibal had made 
a commander of the garrison, was deeply in love with his 
sister, conceived hopes that he might possibly turn it to 
the advantage of the Romans. And having first commu- 
nicated his design to Fabius, he left the army, pretending 
to be a deserter, and went over to Tarentum. 

The first days passed, and the Bruttian abstained from 
visiting the sister ; for neither of them knew that the 
brother had notice of the love making between them. The 
young Tarentine, however, took an occasion to tell his 
sister how he had heard that a man of station and authority 
had made his addresses to her, and desired her, therefore, 
to tell him who it was ; li for," said he, " if he be a man 
that has bravery and reputation, it matters not what coun- 
tryman he is, since at this time the sword mingles all 
nations, and makes them equal ; compulsion makes all 

[ 2 34] 



FABIUS 



things honorable ; and in a time when right is weak, we 
may be thankful if might assumes a form of gentleness." 

Upon this the woman sends for her friend, and makes 
the brother and him acquainted ; and whereas she hence- 
forth showed more countenance to her lover than formerly, 
in the same degrees that her kindness increased, his friend- 
ship, also, with the brother advanced. So that at last our 
Tarentine thought this Bruttian officer well enough pre- 
pared to receive the offers he had to make him ; and that 
it would be easy for a mercenary man, who was in love, to 
accept, upon the terms proposed, the large rewards promised 
by Fabius. In conclusion, the bargain was struck, and the 
promise made of delivering the town. This is the common 
tradition, though some relate the story otherwise. 

Whilst these matters were thus in process, to draw off 
Hannibal from scenting the design, Fabius sends orders 
to the garrison in Rhegium, that they should waste and 
spoil the Bruttian country, and should also lay siege to 
Caulonia, and storm the place with all their might. These 
were a body of eight thousand men, the worst of the 
Roman army, who had most of them been runaways, and 
had been brought home by Marcellus from Sicily, in dis- 
honor, so that the loss of them would not be any great 
grief to the Romans. Fabius, therefore, threw out these 
men as a bait for Hannibal, to divert him from Tarentum ; 
who instantly caught at it, and led his forces to Caulonia ; 
in the mean time, Fabius sat down before Tarentum. 

On the sixth day of the siege, the young Tarentine slips 
by night out of the town, and, having carefully observed 
the place where the Bruttian commander, according to 

t 2 35 ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 

agreement, was to admit the Romans, gave an account of 
the whole matter to Fabius ; who thought it not safe to 
rely wholly upon the plot, but, while proceeding with secrecy 
to the post, gave order for a general assault to be made 
on the other side of the town, both by land and sea. This 
being accordingly executed, while the Tarentines hurried 
to defend the town on the side attacked, Fabius received 
the signal from the Bruttian, scaled the walls, and entered 
the town unopposed. 

Here, we must confess, ambition seems to have over- 
come him. To make it appear to the world that he had 
taken Tarentum by force and his own prowess, and not 
by treachery, he commanded his men to kill the Bruttians 
before all others ; yet he did not succeed in establishing 
the impression he desired, but merely gained the character 
of perfidy and cruelty. Many of the Tarentines were also 
killed, and thirty thousand of them were sold for slaves ; 
the army had the plunder of the town, and there was 
brought into the treasury three thousand talents. 

Whilst they were carrying off everything else as plunder, 
the officer who took the inventory asked what should be 
done with their gods, meaning the pictures and statues ; 
Fabius answered, " Let us leave their angry gods to the 
Tarentines. " Nevertheless, he removed the colossal statue 
of Hercules, and had it set up in the Capitol, with one of 
himself on horseback, in brass, near it ; proceedings very 
different from those of Marcellus on a like occasion, and 
w T hich, indeed, very much set off in the eyes of the world 
his clemency and humanity, as appears in the account 
of his life. 

[236] 



FABIUS 



Hannibal, it is said, was within five miles of Tarentum, 
when he was informed that the tow T n was taken. He said 
openly, " Rome, then, has also got a Hannibal ; as we won 
Tarentum, so have we lost it." And, in private with some 
of his confidants, he told them, for the first time, that he 
always thought it difficult, but now he held it impossible, 
with the forces he then had, to master Italy. 

Upon this success, Fabius had a triumph decreed him 
at Rome, much more splendid than his first ; they looked 
upon him now as a champion who had learned to cope 
with his antagonist, and could now easily foil his arts and 
prove his best skill ineffectual. And, indeed, the army of 
Hannibal was at this time partly worn away with continual 
action, and partly weakened and become dissolute with 
overabundance and luxury. 

Marcus Livius, who was governor of Tarentum when it 
was betrayed to Hannibal, and then retired into the citadel, 
w T hich he kept till the town was retaken, was annoyed at 
these honors and distinctions, and, on one occasion, openly 
declared in the senate, that by his resistance, more than 
by any action of Fabius, Tarentum had been recovered ; 
on which Fabius laughingly replied : " You say very true, 
for if Marcus Livius had not lost Tarentum, Fabius Maximus 
had never recovered it." 

The people, amongst other marks of gratitude, gave his 
son the consulship of the next year ; shortly after whose 
entrance upon his office, there being some business on 
foot about provision for the war, his father, either by 
reason of age and infirmity, or perhaps out of design 
to try his son, came up to him on horseback. While he 

[>37] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



was still at a distance, the young consul observed it, and 
bade one of his lictors command his father to alight, and 
tell him that, if he had any business with the consul, he 
should come on foot. 

The standers-by seemed offended at the imperiousness 
of the son towards a father so venerable for his age and 
his authority, and turned their eyes in silence towards 
Fabius. He, however, instantly alighted from his horse, 
and with open arms came up, almost running, and embraced 
his son, saying, "Yes, my son, you do well, and under- 
stand well what authority you have received, and over whom 
you are to use it. This was the way by which we and our 
forefathers advanced the dignity of Rome, preferring ever 
her honor and service to our own fathers and children." 

And, in fact, it is told that the great-grandfather of our 
Fabius, who was undoubtedly the greatest man of Rome 
in his time, both in reputation and authority, who had been 
five times consul, and had been honored with several tri- 
umphs for victories obtained by him, took pleasure in serv- 
ing as lieutenant under his own son, when he went as consul 
to his command. And when afterwards his son had a tri- 
umph bestowed upon him for his good service, the old man 
followed, on horseback, his triumphant chariot, as one of 
his attendants ; and made it his glory, that while he really 
was, and was acknowledged to be, the greatest man in 
Rome, and held a father's full power over his son, he yet 
submitted himself to the laws and the magistrate. 

But the praises of our Fabius are not bounded here. 
He afterwards lost this son, and was remarkable for bear- 
ing the loss with the moderation becoming a pious father 

[238] 



FABIUS 



and a wise man, and, as it was the custom amongst the 
Romans, upon the death of any illustrious person, to have 
a funeral oration recited by some of the nearest relations, 
he took upon himself that office, and delivered a speech 
in the Forum, which he committed afterwards to writing. 

After Cornelius Scipio, who was sent into Spain, had 
driven the Carthaginians, defeated by him in many battles, 
out of the country, and had gained over to Rome many 
towns and nations with large resources, he was received 
at his coming home with unexampled joy and acclama- 
tion of the people ; who, to show their gratitude, elected 
him consul for the year ensuing. 

Knowing what high expectation they had of him, he 
thought the occupation of contesting Italy with Hannibal 
a mere old man's employment, and proposed no less a 
task to himself than to make Carthage the seat of the 
war, fill Africa with arms and devastation, and so oblige 
Hannibal, instead of invading the countries of others, 
to draw back and defend his own. And to this end 
he proceeded to exert all the influence he had with 
the people. 

Fabius, on the other side, opposed the undertaking 
with all his might, alarming the city, and telling them 
that nothing but the temerity of a hot young man could 
inspire them with such dangerous counsels, and sparing 
no means, by word or deed, to prevent it. He prevailed 
with the senate to espouse his sentiments ; but the com- 
mon people thought that he envied the fame of Scipio, 
and that he was afraid lest this young conqueror should 
achieve some great and noble exploit, and have the glory, 

[ 2 39 ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



perhaps, of driving Hannibal out of Italy, or even of end- 
ing the war, which had for so many years continued and 
been protracted under his management. 

To say the truth, when Fabius first opposed this proj- 
ect of Scipio, he probably did it out of caution and 
prudence, in consideration only of the public safety, and 
of the danger which the commonwealth might incur ; but 
when he found Scipio every day increasing in the esteem 
of the people, rivalry and ambition led him further, and 
made him violent and personal in his opposition. For he 
even applied to Crassus, the colleague of Scipio, and 
urged him not to yield the command to Scipio, but that, 
if his inclinations were for it, he should himself in per- 
son lead the army to Carthage. He also hindered the 
giving money to Scipio for the war ; so that he was forced 
to raise it upon his own credit and interest from the cities 
of Etruria, which were extremely attached to him. 

On the other side, Crassus would not stir against him, 
nor remove out of Italy, being, in his own nature, averse 
to all contention, and also having, by his office of high 
priest, religious duties to retain him. 

Fabius, therefore, tried other ways to oppose the de- 
sign ; he impeded the levies, and he declaimed, both in 
the senate and to the people, that Scipio was not only 
himself flying from Hannibal, but was also endeavoring 
to drain Italy of all its forces, and to spirit away the youth 
of the country to a foreign war, leaving behind them 
their parents, wives, and children, and the city itself, a 
defenceless prey to the conquering and undefeated enemy 
at their doors, 

[ 2 4o] 



FABIUS 



With this he so far alarmed the people, that at last 
they would only allow Scipio for the war the legions which 
were in Sicily, and three hundred, whom he particularly 
trusted, of those men who had served with him in Spain. 
In these transactions, Fabius seems to have followed the 
dictates of his own wary temper. 

But, after that Scipio was gone over into Africa, when 
news almost immediately came to Rome of wonderful 
exploits and victories, of which the fame was confirmed 
by the spoils he sent home ; of a Numidian king taken 
prisoner ; of a vast slaughter of their men ; of two camps 
of the enemy burnt and destroyed, and in them a great 
quantity of arms and horses ; and when, hereupon, the 
Carthaginians were compelled to send envoys to Hanni- 
bal to call him home, and leave his idle hopes in Italy, 
to defend Carthage ; when, for such eminent and tran- 
scending services, the whole people of Rome cried up 
and extolled the actions of Scipio ; even then, Fabius 
contended that a successor should be sent in his place, 
alleging for it only the old reason of the mutability of 
fortune, as if she would be weary of long favoring the 
same person. 

With this language many did begin to feel offended ; 
it seemed to be moroseness and ill will, the pusillanimity 
of old age, or a fear, that had now become exaggerated, 
of the skill of Hannibal. Nay, when Hannibal had put his 
army on shipboard, and taken his leave of Italy, Fabius 
still could not forbear to oppose and disturb the universal 
joy of Rome, expressing his fears and apprehensions, tell- 
ing them that the commonwealth was never in more danger 

[241 ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



than now, and that Hannibal was a more formidable 
enemy under the walls of Carthage than ever he had 
been in Italy ; that it would be fatal to Rome, whenever 
Scipio should encounter his victorious army, still warm 
with the blood of so many Roman generals, dictators, 
and consuls slain. And the people were, in some degree, 
startled with these declamations, and were brought to 
believe, that the further off Hannibal was, the nearer 
was their danger. 

Scipio, however, shortly afterwards fought Hannibal, 
and utterly defeated him, humbled the pride of Carthage 
beneath his feet, gave his countrymen joy and exultation 
beyond all their hopes, and 

Long shaken on the seas restored the state. 

Fabius Maximus, however, did not live to see the pros- 
perous end of this war, and the final overthrow of Hanni- 
bal, nor to rejoice in the reestablished happiness and 
security of the commonwealth ; for about the time that 
Hannibal left Italy, he fell sick and died. 

At Thebes, Epaminondas died so poor that he was 
buried at the public charge ; one small iron coin was all, 
it is said, that was found in his house. Fabius did not 
need this, but the people, as a mark of their affection, 
defrayed the expenses of his funeral by a private con- 
tribution from each citizen of the smallest piece of coin ; 
thus owning him their common father, and making his 
end no less honorable than his life. 



[ 242] 



SERTORIUS 



[ 2 43 ] 




SERTORIUS 



SERTORIUS 



INTRODUCTION 



^HE Second Punic War gave Rome the possession 
of Spain, and she now had control of the Mediter- 
ranean Sea west of Italy. Carthage was left inde- 
pendent for a while, but was deprived of all its power, 
and was no longer able to cope with Rome. The Romans, 
however, never ceased to hate their old rival, and to fear 
that it might recover its former strength. So, after about 
fifty years, they took an opportunity to pick a quarrel, 
and the Third Punic War followed, in which Carthage 
was captured and destroyed, 146 B.C. 

Soon after the Second Punic War, the Romans began 
to carry their arms into the eastern half of the Mediter- 
ranean also. First Illyricum, the country east of the 
Adriatic Sea, was subdued, then Macedonia and Greece ; 
and one country after another was either made into a prov- 
ince or forced to become the ally and auxiliary of Rome. 

The last serious resistance made to the Roman advance 
in the East was by Mithridates, king of Pontus, a country 
on the Black Sea, in the eastern part of Asia Minor. 
Mithridates was a powerful and warlike king, and gave 
the Romans a great deal of trouble. In the year 88 b.c. 
he overran Asia Minor, and gave orders for a massacre, 
on a certain day, of all the Italian residents ; seventy 
thousand or more of these are said to have been slain. 

[ 2 45 ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



The Romans declared war and sent their consul, 
Lucius Cornelius Sulla, against him. The war that fol- 
lowed is known as the First Mithridatic War. 

But some other events had taken place before this, 
which it is necessary to speak of. 

In the later years of the republic new dissensions had 
arisen among the Romans, as violent as the old troubles 
between the patricians and the plebeians. There were two 
parties, known as the optimates (the party of the nobles) 
and the populares (the party of the common people). The 
contest of the parties became so bitter that they fought 
with one another in the streets of Rome. 

One of the principal questions that came up was with 
regard to those peoples, called the Latin allies, which 
Rome had conquered, but had excluded from the rights 
of the city. The two parties at Rome united in resisting 
the demands of the allies, and took up arms against them 
in what is called the Social War (91-89 B.C.). Rome 
prudently ended the war by granting to the allies the 
rights and privileges of Roman citizenship. 

The Social War had not long been finished, when a 
civil strife began. Its real cause was the hatred of the 
parties against each other, but it was directly occasioned 
by the Mithridatic War, declared in the year 88. One of 
the consuls for this year was Sulla, and the^ command of 
the war against Mithridates was assigned to him. But 
Sulla was a leader of the nobility, and the opposite party 
succeeded in getting a vote to take the command from him 
and give it to his rival Gaius Marius. Marius was a man 
of low birth and no education, but he was an experienced 

[246] 



SERTORIUS 



and successful general, and had gained great victories, 
particularly over the hordes of German barbarians that 
had attempted to invade Italy a few years before. 

Marius and Sulla were not only the leaders of the two 
opposite parties, but bitter enemies of one another. When 
the law was passed which deprived Sulla of his command, 
Sulla refused to obey. He marched on Rome, and de- 
feated Marius ; and then having placed the government 
in the hands of his owm party, he set out for the war 
against Mithridates. 

Marius, who had fled to Africa, now returned to Italy, 
where he joined the consul Cinna and took Rome. He 
mercilessly slaughtered his enemies, and had himself 
again elected consul, holding that office now for the seventh 
time. He died during his consulship, and was succeeded 
as leader of the popular party by Cinna, and afterwards 
by Carbo, men as cruel and bloodthirsty as Marius himself. 

But the best man and the ablest leader of this faction 
was Quintus Sertorius, who was sent to Spain, the most 
important of the provinces, to hold it with an army in 
behalf of the popular party. Soon after this, Sulla re- 
turned from Asia (82 b.c.), captured Rome, and was 
made perpetual dictator. For about three years he ruled 
Rome as a despot, being even more cruel and bloodthirsty 
than Marius and Cinna and Carbo. But he made some 
good laws. In 79 he gave up the dictatorship. He died 
the next year, at the age of sixty. All this time Sertorius 
had possession of Spain, and none of the generals that 
were sent against him could get the better of him. 



[ 2 47 ] 



SERTORIUS 



TTT IS no great wonder if in long process of time, while 
fortune takes her course hither and thither, numerous 
J_L coincidences should spontaneously occur. If the num- 
ber and variety of subjects to be wrought upon be infinite, 
it is all the more easy for fortune, with such an abundance 
of material, to effect this similarity of results. Or if, on 
the other hand, events are limited to the combinations of 
some finite number, then of necessity the same must 
often recur, and in the same sequence. 

There are people who take a pleasure in making collec- 
tions of all such fortuitous occurrences that they have 
heard or read of, as look like works of a rational power 
and design ; they observe, for example, that two eminent 
persons, whose names were Attis, the one a Syrian, the 
other of Arcadia, were both slain by a wild boar ; that of 
two whose names were Actaeon, the one was torn in 
pieces by his dogs, the other by his lovers ; that of two 
famous Scipios, the one overthrew the Carthaginians in 
war, the other totally ruined and destroyed them ; the 
city of Troy was the first time taken by Hercules for the 
horses promised him by Laomedon, the second time by 
Agamemnon, by means of the celebrated great wooden 
horse, and the third time by Charidemus, by occasion of 
a horse falling down at the gate, which hindered the 
Trojans, so that they could not shut them soon enough ; 

[248] 



SERTORIUS 



and of two cities which take their names from the most 
agreeable odoriferous plants, Ios and Smyrna, the one 
from a violet, the other from myrrh, the poet Homer is 
reported to have been born in the one, and to have died 
in the other. 

And so to these instances let us further add, that the 
most warlike commanders, and most remarkable for ex- 
ploits of skillful stratagem, have had but one eye ; as 
Philip, Antigonus, Hannibal, and Sertorius, whose life and 
actions we describe at present ; of whom, indeed, we might 
truly say, that he was more continent than Philip, more 
faithful to his friend than Antigonus, and more merciful 
to his enemies than Hannibal ; and that for prudence and 
judgment he gave place to none of them, but in fortune 
was inferior to them all. Yet though he had continually 
in her a far more difficult adversary to contend against 
than his open enemies, he nevertheless maintained his 
ground, with the military skill of Metellus, the boldness 
of Pompey, the success of Sulla, and the power of the 
Roman people, all to be encountered by one who was 
a banished man and a stranger at the head of a body 
of barbarians. 

Among Greek commanders, Eumenes of Cardia may 
be best compared with him ; they were both of them men 
born for command, for warfare, and for stratagem ; both 
banished from their countries, and holding command over 
strangers ; both had fortune for their adversary, in their 
last days so harshly so, that they were both betrayed and 
murdered by those who served them, and with whom they 
had formerly overcome their enemies. 

[ 2 49 ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



Quintus Sertorius was of a noble family, born in the 
city of Nursia, in the country of the Sabines. His father 
died when he was young, and he was carefully and decently 
educated by his mother, whose name was Rhea, and whom 
he appears to have extremely loved and honored. He paid 
some attention to the study of oratory and pleading in his 
youth, and acquired some reputation and influence in Rome 
by his eloquence ; but the splendor of his actions in arms, 
and his successful achievements in the wars, drew off his 
ambition in that direction. 

At first he served under Caepio, when the Cimbri and 
Teutones invaded Gaul ; where the Romans fighting un- 
successfully, and being put to flight, he was wounded in 
many parts of his body, and lost his horse, yet, neverthe- 
less, swam across the river Rhone in his armor, with his 
breastplate and shield, bearing himself up against the 
violence of the current ; so strong and so well inured to 
hardship was his body. 

The second time that the Cimbri and Teutones came 
down with some hundreds of thousands, threatening death 
and destruction to all, when it was no small piece of serv- 
ice for a Roman soldier to keep his ranks and obey his 
commander, Sertorius undertook, while Marius led the 
army, to spy out the enemy's camp. Procuring a Celtic 
dress, and acquainting himself with the ordinary expres- 
sions of their language requisite for common intercourse, 
he threw himself in amongst the barbarians ; where having 
carefully seen with his own eyes, or having been fully in- 
formed by persons upon the place of all their most impor- 
tant concerns, he returned to Marius, from whose hands 

[ 2 5°] 



SERTORIUS 



he received the rewards of valor ; and afterwards giving 
frequent proofs both of conduct and courage in all the 
following war, he was advanced to places of honor and 
trust under his general. 

After the wars with the Cimbri and Teutones, he was 
sent into Spain, having the command of a thousand men 
under Didius, the Roman general, and wintered in the 
country of the Celtiberians, in the city of Castulo, where 
the soldiers enjoying great plenty, and growing insolent, 
and continually drinking, the inhabitants despised them 
and sent for aid by night to the Gyrisoenians, their near 
neighbors, who fell upon the Romans in their lodgings 
and slew a great number of them. 

Sertorius, with a few of his soldiers, made his way out, 
and rallying together the rest who escaped, he marched 
round about the walls, and finding the gate open, by 
which the Gyrisoenians had made their secret entrance, 
he gave not them the same opportunity, but placing a 
guard at the gate, and seizing upon all quarters of the 
city, he slew all who were of age to bear arms, and then 
ordering his soldiers to lay aside their weapons and put 
off their own clothes, and put on the accoutrements of 
the barbarians, he commanded them to follow him to the 
city, from whence the men came who had made this night 
attack upon the Romans. 

And thus deceiving the Gyrisoenians with the sight of 
their own armor, he found the gates of their city open, 
and took a great number prisoners, who came out think- 
ing to meet their friends and fellow citizens come home 
from a successful expedition. Most of them were thus 

[251] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



slain by the Romans at their own gates, and the rest 
within yielded up themselves and were sold for slaves. 

This action made Sertorius highly renowned throughout 
all Spain, and as soon as he returned to Rome he was 
appointed quaestor of Cisalpine Gaul, at a very seasonable 
moment for his country, the Marsian war being on the 
point of breaking out. 

Sertorius was ordered to raise soldiers and provide 
arms, which he performed with a diligence and alacrity, 
so contrasting with the feebleness and slothfulness of 
other officers of his age, that he got the repute of a man 
whose life would be one of action. Nor did he relinquish 
the part of a soldier, now that he had arrived at the 
dignity of a commander, but performed wonders with his 
own hands, and never sparing himself, but exposing 
his body freely in all conflicts, he lost one of his eyes. 
This he always esteemed an honor to him ; observing 
that others do not continually carry about with them the 
marks and testimonies of their valor, but must often lay 
aside their chains of gold, their spears and crowns ; 
whereas his ensigns of honor, and the manifestations of 
his courage always remained with him, and those who 
beheld his misfortune, must at the same time recognize 
his merits. 

The people also paid him the respect he deserved, and 
when he came into the theater, received him with plaudits 
and joyful acclamations, an honor rarely bestowed even 
on persons of advanced standing and established reputa- 
tion. Yet, notwithstanding this popularity, when he stood 
to be tribune of the people, he was disappointed, and lost 

[ 2 5 2 ] 



SERTORIUS 



the place, being opposed by the party of Sulla, which 
seems to have been the principal cause of his subsequent 
enmity to Sulla. 

After that Marius was overcome by Sulla and fled into 
Africa, and Sulla had left Italy to go to the wars against 
Mithridates, and of the two consuls Octavius and Cinna, 
Octavius remained steadfast to the policy of Sulla, but 
Cinna, desirous of a new revolution, attempted to recall 
the lost interest of Marius, Sertorius joined Cinna's party, 
more particularly as he saw that Octavius was not very 
capable, and was also suspicious of any one that was a 
friend to Marius. 

When a great battle was fought between the two consuls 
in the Forum, Octavius overcame, and Cinna and Ser- 
torius, having lost not less than ten thousand men, left 
the city, and gaining over most part of the troops who 
were dispersed about and remained still in many parts of 
Italy, they in a short time mustered up a force against 
Octavius sufficient to give him battle again, and Marius, 
also, now coming by sea out of Africa, proffered himself 
to serve under Cinna, as a private soldier under his 
consul and commander. 

Most were for the immediate reception of Marius, but 
Sertorius openly declared against it, whether he thought 
that Cinna would not now pay as much attention to him- 
self, when a man of higher military repute was present, 
or feared that the violence of Marius would bring all 
things to confusion, by his boundless wrath and vengeance 
after victory. He insisted upon it with Cinna that they 
were already victorious, that there remained little to be 

[ 2 53 ] 



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done, and that, if they admitted Marius, he would deprive 
them of the glory and advantage of the war, as there 
was no man less easy to deal with, or less to be trusted 
in, as a partner in power. 

Cinna answered, that Sertorius rightly judged the affair, 
but that he himself was at a loss, and ashamed, and 
knew not how to reject him, after he had sent for him 
to share in his fortunes. To which Sertorius immediately 
replied, that he had thought that Marius came into Italy 
of his own accord, and therefore had deliberated as to 
what might be most expedient, but that Cinna ought not 
so much as to have questioned whether he should accept 
him whom he had already invited, but should have 
honorably received and employed him, for his word once 
past left no room for debate. 

Thus Marius being sent for by Cinna, and their forces 
being divided into three parts, under Cinna, Marius, and 
Sertorius, the war was brought to a successful conclusion ; 
but those about Cinna and Marius committing all manner 
of insolence and cruelty, made the Romans think the 
evils of war a golden time in comparison. 

On the contrary, it is reported of Sertorius, that he 
never slew any man in his anger, to satisfy his own pri- 
vate revenge, nor ever insulted any one whom he had 
overcome, but was much offended wdth Marius, and often 
privately entreated Cinna to use his power more moder- 
ately. And in the end, when the slaves whom Marius 
had freed at his landing to increase his army, being 
made not only his fellow soldiers in the war, but also 
now his guard in his usurpation, enriched and powerful 

[254] 



SERTORIUS 



by his favor, either by the command or permission of 
Marius, or by their own lawless violence, committed all 
sorts of crimes, killed their masters, and abused their 
children, their conduct appeared so intolerable to Serto- 
rius that he slew the whole body of them, four thousand 
in number, commanding his soldiers to shoot them down 
with their javelins, as they lay encamped together. 

Afterwards, when Marius died, and Cinna shortly after 
was slain, when the younger Marius made himself consul 
against Sertorius's wishes and contrary to law, when 
Carbo, Norbanus, and Scipio fought unsuccessfully against 
Sulla, now advancing to Rome, when much was lost by 
the cowardice and remissness of the commanders, but 
more by the treachery of their party, when with the want 
of prudence in the chief leaders, all went so ill that his 
presence could do no good, in the end when Sulla had 
placed his camp near to Scipio, and by pretending friend- 
ship, and putting him in hopes of a peace, corrupted his 
army, and Scipio could not be made sensible of this, 
although often forewarned of it by Sertorius, at last he 
utterly despaired of Rome, and hasted into Spain, that 
by taking possession there beforehand, he might secure 
a refuge to his friends, from their misfortunes at home. 

Having bad weather in his journey, and traveling 
through mountainous countries, and the inhabitants 
stopping the way, and demanding a toll and money for 
passage, those who were with him were out of all 
patience at the indignity and shame it would be for a 
proconsul of Rome to pay tribute to a crew of wretched 
barbarians. 

[255] 



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But he little regarded their censure, and slighting that 
which had only the appearance of an indecency, told 
them he must buy time, the most precious of all things 
to those who go upon great enterprises ; and pacifying 
the barbarous people with money, he hastened his journey, 
and took possession of Spain, a country flourishing and 
populous, abounding with young men fit to bear arms ; 
but on account of the insolence and covetousness of the 
governors from time to time sent thither from Rome, 
they had generally an aversion to the Roman supremacy. 

He, however, soon gained the affection of their nobles 
by intercourse with them, and the good opinion of the 
people by remitting their taxes. But that which won him 
most popularity, was his exempting them from finding 
lodgings for the soldiers, when he commanded his army 
to take up their winter quarters outside the cities, and to 
pitch their camp in the suburbs ; and when he himself, 
first of all, caused his own tent to be raised without 
the walls. 

Yet not being willing to rely totally upon the good 
inclination of the inhabitants, he armed all the Romans 
who lived in those countries that were of military age, 
and undertook the building of ships and the making of 
all sorts of warlike engines, by which means he kept the 
cities in due obedience, showing himself gentle in all 
peaceful business, and at the same time formidable to his 
enemies by his great preparations for war. 

As soon as he was informed that Sulla had made him- 
self master of Rome, and that the party which sided with 
Marius and Carbo was going to destruction, he expected 

[256] 



SERTORIUS 



that some commander with a considerable army would 
speedily come against him, and therefore sent away Julius 
Salinator immediately, with six thousand men fully armed, 
to fortify and defend the passes of the Pyrenees. 

And Gaius Annius not long after being sent out by 
Sulla, finding Julius unassailable, sat down short at the 
foot of the mountains in perplexity. But a certain Cal- 
purnius, surnamed Lanarius, having treacherously slain 
Julius, and his soldiers then forsaking the heights of 
the Pyrenees, Gaius Annius advanced with large num- 
bers and drove before him all who endeavored to hinder 
his march. 

Sertorius, also, not being strong enough to give him 
battle, retreated with three thousand men into New 
Carthage, where he took shipping, and crossed the seas 
into Africa. And coming near the coast of Mauretania, 
his men went on shore for water, and straggling about 
negligently, the natives fell upon them and slew a great 
number. 

This new misfortune forced him to sail back again into 
Spain, whence he was also repulsed, and, some Cilician 
pirate ships joining with him, they made for the island 
of Pityussa, where they landed and overpowered the 
garrison placed there by Annius, who, however, came 
not long after with a great fleet of ships, and five thou- 
sand soldiers. And Sertorius made ready to fight him 
by sea, although his ships were not built for strength, 
but for lightness and swift sailing ; but a . violent west 
wind raised such a sea that many of them were run 
aground and shipwrecked, and he himself, with a few 

[ 2 57 ] 



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vessels, being kept from putting further out to sea by 
the fury of the weather, and from landing by the power 
of his enemies, was tossed about painfully for ten days 
together, amidst the boisterous and adverse waves. 

He escaped with difficulty, and after the wind ceased, 
ran for certain desert islands scattered in those seas, 
affording no water, and after passing a night there, mak- 
ing out to sea again, he went through the straits of Cadiz, 
and sailing outward, keeping the Spanish shore on his 
right hand, he landed a little above the mouth of the 
river Baetis, where it falls into the Atlantic sea, and 
gives the name to that part of Spain. 

Here he met with seamen recently arrived from the 
Atlantic islands, two in number, divided from one another 
only by a narrow channel, and distant from the coast of 
Africa ten thousand furlongs. 

These are called the Islands of the Blest ; rains fall 
there seldom, and in moderate showers, but for the most 
part they have gentle breezes, bringing along with them 
soft dews, which render the soil not only rich for plough- 
ing and planting, but so abundantly fruitful that it pro- 
duces spontaneously an abundance of delicate fruits, 
sufficient to feed the inhabitants, who may here enjoy 
all things without trouble or labor. 

The seasons of the year are temperate, and the transi- 
tions from one to another so moderate, that the air is 
almost always serene and pleasant. The rough northerly 
and easterly winds which blow from the coasts of Europe 
and Africa, dissipated in the vast open space, utterly 
lose their force before they reach the islands. The soft 

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SERTORIUS 



western and southerly winds which breathe upon them 
sometimes produce gentle sprinkling showers, which they 
convey along with them from the sea, but more usually 
bring days of moist bright weather, cooling and gently 
fertilizing the soil, so that the firm belief prevails even 
among the barbarians, that this is the seat of the blessed, 
and that these are the Elysian Fields celebrated by Homer. 

When Sertorius heard this account, he was seized with 
a wonderful passion for these islands, and had an extreme 
desire to go and live there in peace and quietness, and 
safe from oppression and unending wars ; but his inclina- 
tions being perceived by the Cilician pirates, who desired 
not peace nor quiet, but riches and spoils, they immedi- 
ately forsook him, and sailed away into Africa to assist 
Ascalis, the son of Iphtha, and to help to restore him 
to his kingdom of Mauretania. Their sudden departure 
noways discouraged Sertorius ; he presently resolved to 
assist the enemies of Ascalis, and by this new adventure 
trusted to keep his soldiers together, who from this 
might conceive new hopes, and a prospect of a new 
scene of action. 

His arrival in Mauretania being very acceptable to the 
Moors, he lost no time, but immediately giving battle to 
Ascalis, beat him out of the field, and besieged him ; 
and Paccianus being sent by Sulla, with a powerful sup- 
ply, to raise the siege, Sertorius slew him in the field, 
gained over all his forces, and took the city of Tingis, 
into which Ascalis and his brothers were fled for refuge. 

When Sertorius had made himself absolute master of 
the whole country, he acted with great fairness to those 

[ 2 59 ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 

who had confided in him, and who yielded to his mercy ; 
he restored to them their property, cities, and govern- 
ment, accepting only of such acknowledgments as they 
themselves freely offered. And whilst he considered 
which way next to turn his arms, the Lusitanians sent 
ambassadors to desire him to be their general ; for being 
terrified with the Roman power, and finding the necessity 
of having a commander of great authority and experience 
in war, being also sufficiently assured of his worth and 
valor by those who had formerly known him, they were 
desirous to commit themselves especially to his care. 

And in fact Sertorius is said to have been of a temper 
unassailable either by fear or pleasure, in adversity and 
dangers undaunted, and noways puffed up with pros- 
perity. In straightforward fighting, no commander in his 
time was more bold and daring, and in whatever was to 
be performed in war by stratagem, secrecy, or surprise, if 
any strong place was to be secured, any pass to be gained 
speedily, for deceiving and overreaching an enemy, there 
was no man equal to him in subtlety and skill. In be- 
stowing rewards and conferring honors upon those who 
had performed good service in the wars he was bountiful 
and magnificent, and was no less sparing and moderate 
in inflicting punishment. 

It is true that that piece of harshness and cruelty 
which he executed in the latter part of his days upon 
the Spanish hostages, seems to argue that his clemency 
was not natural to him, but only worn as a dress, and 
employed upon calculation, as his occasion or necessity 
required. 

[ 260] 



SERTORIUS 



As to my own opinion, I am persuaded that pure 
virtue, established by reason and judgment, can never be 
totally perverted or changed into its opposite, by any mis- 
fortune whatever. Yet I think it at the same time possible, 
that virtuous inclinations and natural good qualities may, 
when unworthily oppressed by calamities, show, with 
change of fortune, some change and alteration of their 
temper ; and thus I conceive it happened to Sertorius, 
who when prosperity failed him, became exasperated by 
his disasters against those who had done him wrong. 

The Lusitanians having sent for Sertorius, he left 
Africa, and being made general with absolute authority, 
he put all in order amongst them, and brought the neigh- 
boring parts of Spain under subjection. Most of the 
tribes voluntarily submitted themselves, won by the fame 
of his clemency and of his courage, and, to some extent, 
also, he availed himself of cunning artifices of his own 
devising to impose upon them and gain influence over 
them. Amongst which, certainly, that of the hind was 
not the least. Spanus, a countryman who lived in those 
parts, meeting by chance a hind and its calf flying from 
the hunters, let the dam go, and pursuing the fawn, 
took it, being wonderfully pleased with the rarity of the 
color, which was all milk-white. 

And as at that time Sertorius was living in the neigh- 
borhood, and accepted gladly any presents of fruit, fowl, 
or venison, that the country afforded, and rewarded liber- 
ally those who presented them, the countryman brought 
him his young hind, which he took and was well pleased 
with at the first sight, but when in time he had made it 

[261] 



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so tame and gentle that it would come when he called, 
and follow him wheresoever he went, and could endure 
the noise and tumult of the camp, knowing well that 
uncivilized people are naturally prone to superstition, by 
little and little he raised it into something preternatural, 
saying that it was given him by the goddess Diana, and 
that it revealed to him many secrets. 

He added, also, further contrivances. If he had received 
at any time private intelligence that the enemies had 
made an incursion into any part of the districts under his 
command, or had solicited any city to revolt, he pretended 
that the hind had informed him of it in his sleep, and 
charged him to keep his forces in readiness. Or if again 
he had notice that any of the commanders under him 
had got a victory, he would hide the messengers and 
bring forth the hind crowned with flowers, for joy of the 
good news that was to come, and would encourage them 
to rejoice and sacrifice to the gods for the good account 
they should soon receive of their prosperous success. 

By such practices, he brought them to be more trac- 
table and obedient in all things ; for now they thought 
themselves no longer to be led by a stranger, but rather 
conducted by a god, and the more so, as the facts them- 
selves seemed to bear witness to it, his power, contrary 
to all expectation or probability, continually increasing. 
For with two thousand six hundred men, whom for 
honor's sake he called Romans, combined with seven 
hundred Africans, who landed with him when he first 
entered Lusitania, together with four thousand targeteers, 
and seven hundred horse of the Lusitanians themselves, 



[ 262 ] 



SERTORIUS 



he made war against four Roman generals, who commanded 
a hundred and twenty thousand foot, six thousand horse, 
two thousand archers and slingers, and had cities innumer- 
able in their power ; whereas at the first he had not 
above twenty cities in all. 

And from this weak and slender beginning, he raised 
himself to the command of large nations of men, and 
the possession of numerous cities ; and of the Roman 
commanders who were sent against him, he overthrew 
Cotta in a sea fight, in the channel near the town of 
Mellaria ; he routed Fufidius, the governor of Baetica, 
with the loss of two thousand Romans, near the banks 
of the river Baetis ; Lucius Domitius, proconsul of the 
other province of Spain, was overthrown by one of his 
lieutenants ; Thoranius, another commander sent against 
him by Metellus with a great force, was slain, and 
Metellus, one of the greatest and most approved Roman 
generals then living, by a series of defeats, was reduced 
to such extremities, that Lucius Manlius came to his 
assistance out of Gallia Narbonensis, and Pompey the 
Great was sent from Rome itself, in all haste, with 
considerable forces. 

Nor did Metellus know which way to turn himself, in 
a war with such a bold and ready commander, who was 
continually molesting him, and yet could not be brought 
to a set battle, but by the swiftness and dexterity of his 
Spanish soldiery, was enabled to shift and adapt himself 
to any change of circumstances. Metellus had had ex- 
perience in battles fought by regular legions of soldiers, 
fully armed and drawn up in due order into a heavy 

[263] . 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



standing phalanx, admirably trained for* encountering 
and overpowering an enemy who came to close combat, 
hand to hand, but entirely unfit for climbing among the 
hills, and competing incessantly with the swift attacks 
and retreats of a set of fleet mountaineers, or to endure 
hunger and thirst, and live exposed like them to the 
wind and weather, without fire or covering. 

Besides, being now in years, and having been formerly 
engaged in many fights and dangerous conflicts, he had 
grown inclined to a more remiss, easy, and luxurious 
life, and was the less able to contend w 7 ith Sertorius, 
who was in the prime of his strength and vigor, and 
had a body wonderfully fitted for war, being strong, 
active, and temperate, continually accustomed to endure 
hard labor, to take long tedious journeys, to pass many 
nights together without sleep, to eat little, and to be 
satisfied with very coarse fare, and who was never 
stained with the least excess in wine, even when he 
was most at leisure. 

What leisure time Sertorius allowed himself, he spent 
in hunting and riding about, and so made himself thor- 
oughly acquainted with every passage for escape w 7 hen 
he would fly, and for overtaking and intercepting in 
pursuit, and gained a perfect knowledge of where he 
could and where he could not go. Insomuch that 
Metellus suffered all the inconveniences of defeat, 
although he earnestly desired to fight, and Sertorius, 
though he refused the field, reaped all the advantages 
of a conqueror. For he hindered them from foraging, 
and cut them off from water ; if they advanced, he was 

[264] 



SERTORIUS 



nowhere to be found ; if they stayed in any place and 
encamped, he continually molested and alarmed them ; 
if they besieged any town, he presently appeared and 
besieged them again > and put them to extremities for 
want of necessaries. 

And thus he so wearied out the Roman army, that 
when Sertorius challenged Metellus to fight singly with 
him, they commended it, and cried out, it was a fair 
offer, a Roman to fight against a Roman, and a general 
against a general ; and when Metellus refused the 
challenge, they reproached him. 

Metellus derided and contemned this, and rightly so ; 
for, as Theophrastus observes, a general should die like 
a general, and not like a skirmisher. 

But perceiving that the town of the Langobritae, who 
gave great assistance to Sertorius, might easily be taken 
for want of water, as there was but one well within the 
walls, and the besieger would be master of the springs 
and fountains in the suburbs, he advanced against the 
place, expecting to carry it in two days' time, there 
being no more water, and gave command to his soldiers 
to take five days' provision only. 

Sertorius, however, resolving to send speedy relief, 
ordered two thousand skins to be filled with water, 
naming a considerable sum of money for the carriage 
of every skin ; and many Spaniards and Moors under- 
taking the work, he chose out those who were the 
strongest and swiftest of foot, and sent them through 
the mountains, with order that when they had delivered 
the water, they should convey away privately all those 

[265] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



who would be least serviceable in the siege, that there 
might be water sufficient for the defendants. 

As soon as Metellus understood this, he was disturbed, 
as he had already consumed most part of the necessary 
provisions for his army, but he sent out Aquinus with 
six thousand soldiers to fetch in fresh supplies. But 
Sertorius having notice of it, laid an ambush for him, 
and having sent out beforehand three thousand men to 
take post in a thickly wooded watercourse, with these 
he attacked the rear of Aquinus in his return, while he 
himself, charging him in the front, destroyed part of his 
army, and took the rest prisoners, Aquinus only escaping, 
after the loss of both his horse and his armor. And 
Metellus, being forced shamefully to raise the siege, 
withdrew amidst the laughter and contempt of the 
Spaniards ; while Sertorius became yet more the object 
of their esteem and admiration. 

He was also highly honored for his introducing disci- 
pline and good order amongst them, for he altered their 
furious savage manner of fighting, and brought them to 
make use of the Roman armor, taught them to keep 
their ranks, and observe signals and watchwords ; and 
out of a confused number of thieves and robbers, he 
constituted a regular, well-disciplined army. He bestowed 
silver and gold upon them liberally to gild and adorn 
their helmets, he had their shields worked with various 
figures and designs, he brought them into the mode of 
wearing flowered and embroidered cloaks and coats, and 
by supplying money for these purposes, and joining with 
them in all improvements, he won the hearts of all. 

[ 266] 



SERTORIUS 



That, however, which delighted them most, was the 
care he took of their children. He sent for all the boys 
of noblest parentage out of all their tribes, and placed 
them in the great city of Osca, where he appointed 
masters to instruct them in the Grecian and Roman 
learning, that when they came to be men, they might, 
as he professed, be fitted to share with him in authority, 
and in conducting the government, although under this 
pretext he really made them hostages. However, their 
fathers were, wonderfully pleased to see their children 
going daily to the schools in good order, handsomely 
dressed in gowns edged with purple, and that Sertorius 
paid for their lessons, examined them often, distributed 
rewards to the most deserving, and gave them the golden 
bosses to hang about their necks, which the Romans 
called bullae. 

There being a custom in Spain, that when a com- 
mander was slain in battle, those who attended his 
person fought it out till they all died with him, which 
the inhabitants of those countries called an offering, or 
libation, there were few commanders that had any con- 
siderable guard or number of attendants ; but Sertorius 
was followed by many thousands who offered them- 
selves, and vowed to spend their blood with his. And it 
is told that when his army was defeated near a city 
in Spain, and the enemy pressed hard upon them, 
the Spaniards, with no care for themselves, but being 
totally solicitous to save Sertorius, took him up on 
their shoulders and passed him from one to another, 
till they carried him into the city, and only when they 

[267] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



had thus placed their general in safety, provided after- 
wards each man for his own security. 

Nor were the Spaniards alone ambitious to serve him, 
but the Roman soldiers, also, that came out of Italy, 
were impatient to be under his command ; and when 
Perperna Vento, who was of the same faction with 
Sertorius, came into Spain with a quantity of money 
and a large number of troops, and designed to make 
war against Metellus on his own account, his own 
soldiers opposed it, and talked continually of Sertorius, 
much to the mortification of Perperna, who was puffed 
up with the grandeur of his family and his riches. 
And when they afterwards received tidings that Pompey 
was passing the Pyrenees, they took up their arms, laid 
hold on their ensigns, called upon Perperna to lead them 
to Sertorius, and threatened him that if he refused, they 
would go without him, and place themselves under a 
commander who was able to defend himself and those 
that served him. And so Perperna was obliged to yield 
to their desires, and joining Sertorius, added to his army 
three and fifty cohorts. 

And when now all the cities on this side of the river 
Ebro also united their forces together under his command, 
his army grew great, for they flocked together and flowed 
in upon him from all quarters. 

But when they continually cried out to attack the 
enemy, and were impatient of delay, their inexperienced, 
disorderly rashness caused Sertorius much trouble, who at 
first strove to restrain them with reason and good counsel, 
but when he perceived them refractory and unseasonably 

[268] 



SERTORIUS 



violent, he gave way to their impetuous desires, and per- 
mitted them to engage with the enemy, in such sort that 
they might, being repulsed, yet not totally routed, become 
more obedient to his commands for the future. Which 
happening as he had anticipated, he soon rescued them, 
and brought them safe into his camp. 

And after a few days, being willing to encourage them 
again, when he had called all his army together, he 
caused two horses to be brought into the field, one an 
old, feeble, lean animal, the other a lusty, strong horse, 
with a remarkably thick and long tail. 

Near the lean horse he placed a tall. strong man, and 
near the strong young horse a weak despicable-looking 
fellow ; and at a sign given, the strong man took hold of 
the weak horse's tail with both his hands, and drew it to 
him with his whole force, as if he would pull it off ; the 
other, the weak man, in the mean time, set to work to 
pluck off hair by hair from the great horse's tail. 

And when the strong man had given trouble enough 
to himself in vain, and sufficient diversion to the com- 
pany, and had abandoned his attempt, whilst the weak, 
pitiful fellow in a short time and with little pains had left 
not a hair on the great horse's tail, Sertorius rose up 
and spoke to his army, "You see, fellow soldiers, that 
perseverance is more prevailing than violence, and that 
many things which cannot be overcome when they are 
together, yield themselves up when taken little by little. 
Assiduity and persistence are irresistible, and in time 
overthrow and destroy the greatest powers whatever. 
Time being the favorable friend and assistant of those 

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PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



who use their judgment to await his occasions, and the 
destructive enemy of those who are unseasonably urging 
and pressing forward." 

With a frequent use of such words and such devices, 
he soothed the fierceness of the barbarous people, and 
taught them to attend and watch for their opportunities. 

Of all his remarkable exploits, none raised greater 
admiration than that which he put in practice against the 
Characitanians. These are a people beyond the river 
Tagus, who inhabit neither cities nor towns, but live in 
a vast high hill, within the deep dens and caves of the 
rocks, the mouths of which open all towards the north. 
The country below is of a soil resembling a light clay, 
so loose as easily to break into powder, and is not 
firm enough to bear any one that treads upon it, and if 
you touch it in the least, it flies about like ashes or 
unslaked lime. 

In any danger of war, these people descend into their 
caves, and carrying in their booty and prey along with 
them, stay quietly within, secure from every attack. And 
when Sertorius, leaving Metellus some distance off, had 
placed his camp near this hill, they slighted and despised 
him, imagining that he retired into these parts, being 
overthrown by the Romans. 

And whether out of anger and resentment, or out of 
his unwillingness to be thought to fly from his enemies, 
early in the morning he rode up to view the situation of 
the place. But finding there was no way to come at it, 
as he rode about, threatening them in vain and discon- 
certed, he took notice that the wind raised the dust and 

[270] 



SERTORIUS 



carried it up towards the caves of the Characitanians, the 
mouths of which, as I said before, opened towards the 
north ; and the northerly wind prevailing most in those 
parts, coming up out of moist plains or mountains cov- 
ered w 7 ith snow, at this particular time, in the heat of 
summer, being further supplied and increased by the melt- 
ing of the ice in the northern regions, blew a delightful 
fresh gale, cooling and refreshing the Characitanians and 
their cattle all the day long. 

Sertorius, considering well all circumstances in which 
either the information of the inhabitants, or his own ex- 
perience had instructed him, commanded his soldiers to 
shovel up a great quantity of this light, dusty earth, to 
heap it up together, and make a mount of it over against 
the hill in which these barbarous people resided, who, 
imagining that all this preparation was for raising a mound 
to get at them, only mocked and laughed at it. How- 
ever, he continued the work till the evening, and brought 
his soldiers back into their camp. 

The next morning a gentle breeze at first arose, and 
moved the lightest parts of the earth, and dispersed it 
about as the chaff before the wind ; but when the sun 
coming to be higher, the strong northerly wind had cov- 
ered the hills with the dust, the soldiers came and turned 
this mound of earth over and over, and broke the hard 
clods in pieces, whilst others on horseback rode through 
it backward and forward, and raised a cloud of dust into 
the air : there with the wind the whole of it was carried 
away and blown into the dwellings of the Characitanians, 
all lying open to the north. 

[271] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



And there being no other vent or breathing place than 
that through which the north wind rushed in upon them, 
it quickly blinded their eyes, and filled their lungs, and 
all but choked them, whilst they strove to draw in the 
rough air mingled with dust and powdered earth. Nor 
were they able, with all they could do, to hold out above 
two days, but yielded up themselves on the third, adding, 
by their defeat, not so much to the power of Sertorius, as 
to his renown, in proving that he was able to conquer places 
by art, which were impregnable by the force of arms. 

So long as he had to do with Metellus, he was thought 
to owe his successes to his opponent's age and slow tem- 
per, which were ill suited for coping with the daring and 
activity of one who commanded a light army more like a 
band of robbers than regular soldiers. 

But when Pompey also passed over the Pyrenees, and 
Sertorius pitched his camp near him, and offered and 
himself accepted every occasion by which military skill 
could be put to the proof, and in this contest of dexterity 
was found to have the better, both in baffling his enemy's 
designs and in counterscheming himself, the fame of 
him now spread even to Rome itself, as the most expert 
commander of his time. For the renown of Pompey 
was not small, who had already won much honor by 
his achievements in the wars of Sulla, from whom he 
received the title of the Great ; and who had risen to the 
honor of a triumph before the beard had grown on his 
face. And many cities which were under Sertorius were 
on the very eve of revolting and going over to Pompey, 
when they were deterred from it by that great action, 

[272] 



SERTORIUS 



amongst others, which he performed near the city of 
Lauron, contrary to the expectation of all. 

For Sertorius had laid siege to Lauron, and Pompey 
came with his whole army to relieve it ; and there being 
a hill near this city very advantageously situated, they 
both made haste to take it. Sertorius was beforehand, 
and took possession of it first, and Pompey, having drawn 
down his forces, was not sorry that it had thus happened, 
imagining that he had hereby inclosed his enemy between 
his own army and the city, and sent in a messenger to 
the citizens of Lauron, to bid them be of good courage, 
and to come upon their walls, where they might see their 
besieger besieged. 

Sertorius, perceiving their intentions, smiled, and said, 
he would now teach Sulla's scholar, for so he called 
Pompey in derision, that it was the part of a general to 
look as well behind him as before him, and at the same 
time showed them six thousand soldiers, whom he had 
left in his former camp, from whence he marched out to 
take the hill, where if Pompey should assault him, they 
might fall upon his rear. 

Pompey discovered this too late, and not daring to give 
battle, for fear of being encompassed, and yet being 
ashamed to desert his friends and confederates in their 
extreme danger, was thus forced to sit still, and see them 
ruined before his face. For the besieged despaired of 
relief, and delivered themselves up to Sertorius, who 
spared their lives and granted them their liberty, but 
burnt their city, not out of anger or cruelty, for of all 
commanders that ever were, Sertorius seems least of all 

[ ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



to have indulged these passions, but only for the greater 
shame and confusion of the admirers of Pompey, and 
that it might be reported amongst the Spaniards, that 
though he had been so close to the fire which burnt down 
the city of his confederates as actually to feel the heat of 
it, he still had not dared to make any opposition. 

Sertorius, however, sustained many losses ; but he 
always maintained himself and those immediately with 
him undefeated, and it was by other commanders under 
him that he suffered ; and he was more admired for being 
able to repair his losses, and for recovering the victory, 
than the Roman generals against him for gaining these 
advantages ; as at the battle of the Sucro against Pompey, 
and at the battle near Tuttia, against him and Metellus 
together. 

The battle near the Sucro was fought, it is said, through 
the impatience of Pompey, lest Metellus should share with 
him in the victory, Sertorius being also willing to engage 
Pompey before the arrival of Metellus. Sertorius delayed 
the time till the evening, considering that the darkness 
of the night would be a disadvantage to his enemies, 
whether flying or pursuing, being strangers, and having 
no knowledge of the country. 

When the fight began, it happened that Sertorius was 
not placed directly against Pompey, but against Afranius, 
who had command of the left wing of the Roman army, 
as he commanded the right wing of his own ; but when 
he understood that his left wing began to give way, and 
yield to the assault of Pompey, he committed the care of 
his right wing to other commanders, and made haste to 

[ 2 74 ] 



SERTORIUS 



relieve those in distress ; and rallying some that were 
flying, and encouraging others that still kept their ranks, 
he renewed the fight, and attacked the enemy in their 
pursuit so effectively as to cause a considerable rout, and 
brought Pompey into great danger of his life. For after 
being wounded and losing his horse, he escaped unex- 
pectedly ; for the Africans with Sertorius, who took 
Pompey's horse, set out with gold, and covered with 
rich trappings, fell out with one another, and upon the 
dividing of the spoil, gave over the pursuit. 

Afranius, in the mean time, as soon as Sertorius had 
left his right wing, to assist the other part of his army, 
overthrew 7 all that opposed him ; and pursuing them to 
their camp, fell in together with them, and plundered 
them till it was dark night; knowing nothing of Pom- 
pey's overthrow, nor being able to restrain his soldiers 
from pillaging. 

Sertorius, returning with victory, fell upon him and 
upon his men, who were all in disorder, and slew many 
of them. And the next morning he came into the field 
again, well armed, and offered battle, but perceiving that 
Metellus was near, he drew off, and returned to his camp, 
saying, " If this old woman had not come up, I would 
have whipped the boy soundly, and sent him back to 
Rome." 

He was much concerned that his white hind could no- 
where be found ; as he was thus destitute of an admirable 
contrivance to encourage the barbarous people, at a time 
when he most stood in need of it. Some men, how- 
ever, wandering in the night, chanced to meet her, and 

[275] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



knowing her by her color, took her ; to whom Sertorius 
promised a good reward, if they would tell no one of it ; 
and immediately shut her up. 

A few days after, he appeared in public with a very 
cheerful look, and declared to the chief men of the coun- 
try, that the gods had foretold him in a dream that some 
great good fortune should shortly attend him ; and, tak- 
ing his seat, proceeded to answer the petitions of those 
who applied themselves to him. 

The keepers of the hind, who were not far off, now 
let her loose, and she no sooner espied Sertorius, but she 
came leaping with great joy to his feet, laid her head 
upon his knees, and licked his hands, as she formerly 
used to do. And Sertorius stroking her, and making 
much of her again, with that tenderness that the tears 
stood in his eyes, all that were present were immediately 
filled with wonder and astonishment, and accompanying 
him to his house with loud shouts for joy, looked upon 
him as a person above the rank of mortal men, and 
highly beloved by the gods ; and were in great courage 
and hope for the future. 

When he had reduced his enemies to the last extremity 
for want of provision, he was forced to give them battle, 
in the plains near Saguntum, to hinder them from forag- 
ing, and plundering the country. Both parties fought 
gloriously. Memmius, the best commander in Pompey's 
army, was slain in the heat of the battle. Sertorius over- 
threw all before him, and with great slaughter of his 
enemies pressed forward towards Metellus. 

This old commander, making a resistance beyond what 

.[276] 



SERTORIUS 



could be expected from one of his years, was wounded 
with a lance ; an occurrence which filled all who either 
saw it or heard of it, with shame, to be thought to have 
left their general in distress, but at the same time it pro- 
voked them to revenge and fury against their enemies ; 
they covered Metellus with their shields, and brought him 
off in safety, and then valiantly repulsed the Spaniards ; 
and so victory changed sides, and Sertorius, that he might 
afford a more secure retreat to his army, and that fresh 
forces might more easily be raised, retired into a strong 
city in the mountains. 

And though it was the least of his intention to sustain 
a long siege, yet he began to repair the walls, and to 
fortify the gates, thus deluding his enemies, who came 
and sat down before the town, hoping to take it without 
much resistance ; and meantime gave over the pursuit 
of the Spaniards, and allowed opportunity for raising 
new forces for Sertorius, to which purpose he had sent 
commanders to all their cities, with orders, when they 
had sufficiently increased their numbers, to send him 
word of it. 

This news he no sooner received, but he sallied out 
and forced his way through his enemies, and easily joined 
the rest of his army. And having received this consider- 
able reinforcement, he set upon the Romans again, and 
by rapidly assaulting them, by alarming them on all sides, 
by ensnaring, circumventing, and laying ambushes for 
them, he cut off all provisions by land, while with his 
piratical vessels, he kept all the coast in awe, and hindered 
their supplies by sea. 

[ 2 77 ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



He thus forced the Roman generals to dislodge, and to 
separate from one another : Metellus departed into Gaul, 
and Pompey wintered among the Vaccaeans, in a wretched 
condition, where, being in extreme want of money, he 
wrote a letter to the senate, to let them know that if they 
did not speedily supply him, he must draw off his army ; 
for he had already spent his own money in the defence 
of Italy. To these extremities, the chief est and the most 
powerful commanders of the age were reduced by the skill 
of Sertorius ; and it was the common opinion in Rome, 
that he would be in Italy before Pompey. 

How far Metellus was terrified, and at what rate he 
esteemed him, he plainly declared, when he offered by 
proclamation an hundred talents, and twenty thousand 
acres of land, to any Roman that should kill him, and 
leave, if he were banished, to return ; attempting villain- 
ously to buy his life by treachery, when he despaired of 
ever being able to overcome him in open war. 

And when once he gained the advantage in a battle 
against Sertorius, he was so pleased and transported with 
his good fortune, that he caused himself to be publicly 
proclaimed imperator ; and all the cities which he visited 
received him with altars and sacrifices ; he allowed him- 
self, it is said, to have garlands placed on his head, and 
accepted sumptuous entertainments, at which he sat drink- 
ing in triumphal robes, while images and figures of vic- 
tory were introduced by the motion of machines, bringing 
in with them crowns and trophies of gold to present to 
him, and companies of young men and women danced 
before him, and sang to him songs of joy and triumph. 

[278] 



SERTORIUS 



By all which he rendered himself deservedly ridiculous, 
for being so excessively delighted and puffed up with the 
thoughts of having followed one who was retiring of his 
own accord, and for having once had the better of him 
whom he used to call Sulla's runaway slave, and his 
forces, the remnant of the defeated troops of Carbo. 

Sertorius, meantime, showed the loftiness of his temper 
in calling together all the Roman senators who had fled 
from Rome, and had come and resided with him, and 
giving them the name of a senate ; and out of these he 
chose praetors and quaestors, and adorned his government 
with all the Roman laws and institutions. And though he 
made use of the arms, riches, and cities of the Spaniards, 
yet he would never, even in word, remit to them the 
imperial authority, but set Roman officers and command- 
ers over them, intimating his purpose to restore liberty 
to the Romans, not to raise up the Spaniard's power 
against them. For he was a sincere lover of his country, 
and had a great desire to return home ; but in his ad- 
verse fortune he showed undaunted courage, and behaved 
himself towards his enemies in a manner free from all 
dejection and mean-spiritedness ; and when he was in his 
prosperity, and in the height of his victories, he sent word 
to Metellus and Pompey, that he was ready to lay down 
his arms, and live a private life, if he were allowed to 
return home, declaring that he had rather live as the 
meanest citizen in Rome, than, exiled from it, be supreme 
commander of all other cities together. 

It is thought that his great desire for his country was 
in no small measure promoted by the tenderness he had 

[279] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 

for his mother, under whom he was brought up after the 
death of his father, and upon whom he had placed his 
entire affection. And after that his friends had sent for 
him into Spain to be their general, as soon as he heard 
of his mother's death, he had almost cast away himself 
and died for grief ; for he lay seven days together con- 
tinually in his tent, without giving the word, or being 
seen by the nearest of his friends ; and when the chief 
commanders of the army, and persons of the greatest 
note came about his tent, with great difficulty they pre- 
vailed with him at last to come abroad, and speak to his 
soldiers, and to take upon him the management of affairs, 
which were in a prosperous condition. 

And thus, to many men's judgment, he seemed to have 
been in himself of a mild and compassionate temper, and 
naturally given to ease and quietness, and to have ac- 
cepted of the command of military forces contrary to 
his own inclination, and not being able to live in safety 
otherwise, to have been driven by his enemies to have 
recourse to arms, and to espouse the wars as a necessary 
guard for the defence of his person. 

His negotiations with king Mithridates further argue 
the greatness of his mind. For when Mithridates, recov- 
ering himself from his overthrow by Sulla, like a strong 
wrestler that gets up to try another fall, was again en- 
deavoring to reestablish his power in Asia, at this time 
the great fame of Sertorius was celebrated in all places ; 
and when the merchants who came out of the western 
parts of Europe, bringing these, as it were, among their 
other foreign wares, had filled the kingdom of Pontus 

[ 280] 



SERTORIUS 



with their stories of his exploits in war, Mithridates was 
extremely desirous to send an embassy to him, being also 
highly encouraged to it by the boastings of his flattering 
courtiers, who, comparing Mithridates to Pyrrhus, and 
Sertorius to Hannibal, professed that the Romans would 
never be able to make any considerable resistance against 
such great forces, and such admirable commanders, when 
they should be set upon on both sides at once, on one by 
the most warlike general, and on the other by the most 
powerful prince in existence. 

Accordingly, Mithridates sends ambassadors into Spain 
to Sertorius with letters and instructions, and commission 
to promise ships and money towards the charge of the 
war, if Sertorius would confirm his pretensions upon Asia, 
and authorize him to possess all that he had surrendered 
to the Romans in his treaty with Sulla. 

Sertorius summoned a full council which he called a 
senate, where, when others joyfully approved of the con- 
ditions, and were desirous immediately to accept of his 
offer, seeing that he desired nothing of them but a name, 
ancf an empty title to places not in their power to dispose 
of, in recompense of which they should be supplied with 
what they then stood most in need of, Sertorius would 
by no means agree to it ; declaring that he was willing 
that king Mithridates should exercise all royal power and 
authority over Bithynia and Cappadocia, countries accus- 
tomed to a monarchical government, and not belonging 
to Rome, but he could never consent that he should seize 
or detain a province, which, by the justest right and title, 
was possessed by the Romans, which Mithridates had 

[38,] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



formerly taken away from them, and had afterwards lost 
in open war to Fimbria, and quitted upon a treaty of peace 
with Sulla. For he looked upon it as his duty to enlarge 
the Roman possessions by his conquering arms, and not 
to increase his own power by the diminution of the 
Roman territories. Since a noble-minded man, though 
he willingly accepts of victory when it comes with honor, 
will never so much as endeavor to save his own life upon 
any dishonorable terms. 

When this was related to Mithridates, he was struck 
with amazement, and said to his intimate friends, " What 
will Sertorius enjoin us to do when he comes to be seated 
in the Palatium in Rome, who at present, when he is 
driven out to the borders of the Atlantic sea, sets bounds 
to our kingdoms in the east, and threatens us with war, 
if we attempt the recovery of Asia? " 

However, they solemnly, upon oath, concluded a league 
between them, upon these terms : that Mithridates should 
enjoy the free possession of Cappadocia and Bithynia, and 
that Sertorius should send him soldiers, and a general for 
his army, in recompense of which the king was to supply 
him with three thousand talents and forty ships. 

Marcus Marius, a Roman senator who had quitted Rome 
to follow Sertorius, was sent general into Asia, in company 
with whom, when Mithridates had reduced divers of the 
Asian cities, Marius made his entrance with rods and axes 
carried before him, and Mithridates followed in the second 
place, voluntarily waiting upon him. Some of these cities 
he set at liberty, and others he freed from taxes, signifying 
to them that these privileges were granted to them by the 

[ 282 ] 



SERTORIUS 



favor of Sertorius, and hereby Asia, which had been miser- 
ably tormented by the revenue farmers, and oppressed by 
the insolent pride and covetousness of the soldiers, began 
to rise again to new hopes, and to look forward with joy 
to the expected change of government. 

But in Spain, the senators about Sertorius, and others 
of the nobility, finding themselves strong enough for their 
enemies, no sooner laid aside fear, but their minds were 
possessed by envy and irrational jealousies of Sertorius's 
power. And chiefly Perperna, elevated by the thoughts 
of his noble birth, and carried away with a fond ambition 
of commanding the army, threw out villainous discourses 
in private amongst his acquaintance. 

" What evil genius," he would say, " hurries us per- 
petually from worse to worse ? We who disdained to obey 
the dictates of Sulla, the ruler of sea and land, and thus 
to live at home in peace and quiet, are come hither to our 
destruction, hoping to enjoy our liberty, and have made 
ourselves slaves of our own accord, and are become the 
contemptible guards and attendants of the banished Ser- 
torius, who, that he may expose us the further, gives us 
a name that renders us ridiculous to all that hear it, and calls 
us the Senate, when at the same time he makes us undergo 
as much hard labor, and forces us to be as subject to his 
haughty commands and insolences, as any Spaniards and 
Lusitanians." 

With these mutinous discourses, he seduced them ; and 
though the greater number could not be led into open 
rebellion against Sertorius, fearing his power, they were 
prevailed with to endeavor to destroy his interest secretly. 

[^3] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 

For by abusing the Lusitanians and Spaniards, by inflict- 
ing severe punishments upon them, by raising exorbitant 
taxes, and by pretending that all this was done by the strict 
command of Sertorius, they caused great troubles, and 
made many cities to revolt ; and those who were sent to 
mitigate and heal these differences, did rather exasperate 
them and increase the number of his enemies, and left 
them at their return more obstinate and rebellious than 
they found them. 

And Sertorius, incensed with all this, now so far forgot 
his former clemency and goodness, as to lay hands on the 
sons of the Spaniards, educated in the city of Osca ; and, 
contrary to all justice, he cruelly put some of them to death, 
and sold others. 

In the mean time, Perperna, having increased the num- 
ber of his conspirators, drew in Manlius, a commander in 
the army, who, at that time being attached to a youth, to 
gain his affections the more, discovered the confederacy 
to him, bidding him neglect others, and be constant to 
him alone ; who, in a few days, was to be a person of great 
power and authority. 

But the youth, having a greater inclination for Aufidius, 
disclosed all to him, which much surprised and amazed 
him. For he was also one of the confederacy, but knew 
not that Manlius was anyways engaged in it ; but when 
the youth began to name Perperna, Graecinus, and others, 
whom he knew very well to be sworn conspirators, he was 
very much terrified and astonished ; but made light of it 
to the youth, and bade him not regard what Manlius said, 
a vain, boasting fellow. However, he went presently to 

[284] 



SERTORIUS 



Perperna, and giving him notice of the danger they were 
in, and of the shortness of their time, desired him imme- 
diately to put their designs in execution. 

And when all the confederates had consented to it, 
they provided a messenger who brought feigned letters 
to Sertorius, in which he had notice of a victory obtained 
by one of his lieutenants, and of the great slaughter 
of his enemies ; and as Sertorius, being extremely well 
pleased, was sacrificing and giving thanks to the gods 
for his prosperous success, Perperna invited him, and 
those with him, who were also of the conspiracy, to an 
entertainment, and being very importunate, prevailed with 
him to come. 

At all suppers and entertainments where Sertorius was 
present, great order and decency was wont to be observed, 
for he would not endure to hear or see anything that was 
rude or unhandsome, but made it the habit of all who 
kept his company, to entertain themselves with quiet and 
inoffensive amusements. But in the middle of this enter- 
tainment, those who sought occasion to quarrel, fell into 
dissolute discourse openly, and making as if they were 
very drunk, committed many insolences on purpose to 
provoke him. 

Sertorius, being offended with their ill behavior, or per- 
ceiving the state of their minds by their way of speaking 
and their unusually disrespectful manner, changed the 
posture of his lying, and leaned backward, as one that 
neither heard nor regarded them. 

Perperna now took a cup full of wine, and, as he was 
drinking, let it fall out of his hand and make a noise, which 

[285] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



was the sign agreed upon amongst them ; and Antonius, 
who was next to Sertorius, immediately wounded him 
with his sword. And whilst Sertorius, upon receiving the 
wound, turned himself and strove to get up, Antonius 
threw himself upon his breast, and held both his hands, 
so that he died by a number of blows, without being able 
even to defend himself. 

Upon the first news of his death, most of the Spaniards 
left the conspirators, and sent ambassadors to Pompey 
and Metellus, and yielded themselves up to them. 

Perperna attempted to do something with those that 
remained, but he made only so much use of Sertorius's 
arms and preparations for war, as to disgrace himself in 
them, and to let it be evident to all, that he understood 
no more how to command, than he knew how to obey ; 
and when he came against Pompey, he was soon over- 
thrown, and taken prisoner. Neither did he bear this last 
affliction with any bravery, but having Sertorius's papers 
and writings in his hands, he offered to show Pompey let- 
ters from persons of consular dignity, and of the highest 
quality in Rome, written with their own hands, expressly 
to call Sertorius into Italy, and to let him know what great 
numbers there were that earnestly desired to alter the 
present state of affairs, and to introduce another manner 
of government. 

Upon this occasion, Pompey behaved not like a youth, 
or one of a light, inconsiderate mind, but as a man of a 
confirmed, mature, and solid judgment ; and so freed Rome 
from great fears and dangers of change. For he put all 
Sertorius's writings and letters together and read not one 

[286] 



SERTORIUS 



of them, nor suffered any one else to read them, but burnt 
them all, and caused Perperna immediately to be put to 
death, lest by discovering their names, further troubles 
and revolutions might ensue. 

Of the rest of the conspirators with Perperna, some 
were taken and slain by the command of Pompey, others 
fled into Africa, and were set upon by the Moors, and 
run through with their darts ; and in a short time not one 
of them was left alive, except only Aufidius, the rival of 
Manlius, who, hiding himself, or not being much inquired 
after, died an old man, in an obscure village in Spain, in 
extreme poverty, and hated by all. 



[ 2 8 7 ] 



CESAR 



[289] 




JULIUS C^SAR 



CAESAR 



INTRODUCTION 

OMPEY was now the great man in Rome ; for 
although he did not deserve much credit for de- 
feating Sertorius, yet he had succeeded where 
all others had failed. On his way home, too, he had the 
luck to fall in with the remains of a band of revolted 
slaves which Crassus had just defeated. So he had the 
reputation of bringing both wars to an end. 

He was made consul along with Crassus (70 B.C.), and 
not long after was sent to Asia against Mithridates ; for 
the Third Mithridatic War was now being fought. 

Pompey was really a great general, and in the East he 
managed matters skillfully, and put everything in good 
order. But while he was absent, things went badly in 
Rome, this being the time of the famous conspiracy of 
Catiline, which came very near overthrowing the republic. 

Pompey now returned, after all his successes, with 
greater power than ever ; and in the year 60 he entered 
into a political coalition with Crassus, the richest man in 
Rome, and Caesar, the most popular. These three men 
agreed to help each other to get into their hands the con- 
trol of public affairs. This combination, or ring, of Caesar, 
Crassus, and Pompey is commonly called a triumvirate, 
that is, a committee of three men. 

All these things, as well as the wars which Caesar car- 
ried on in Gaul, and the Civil War afterwards between 
him and Pompey, are here related in the Life of Caesar. 

[291 ] 




C^SAR 



ATER Sulla became master of Rome, he wished to 
make Caesar put away his wife Cornelia, daughter 
of Cinna, the late sole ruler of the common- 
wealth, but was unable to effect it either by promises or 
intimidation, and so contented himself with confiscating 
her dowry. 

The ground of Sulla's hostility to Caesar, was the rela- 
tionship between him and Marius ; for Marius, the elder, 
married Julia, the sister of Caesar's father, and their son, 
the younger Marius, was consequently Caesar's first cousin. 
And though at the beginning, while so many were to be 
put to death and there was so much to do, Caesar was 
overlooked by Sulla, yet he would not keep quiet, but 
presented himself to the people as a candidate for the 
priesthood, though he was yet a mere boy. 

Sulla, without any open opposition, took measures to 
have him rejected, and in consultation whether he should 
be put to death, when it was urged by some that it was 
not worth his while to contrive the death of a boy, he 
answered, that they knew little who did not see more 
than one Marius in that boy. 

Caesar, on being informed of this saying, concealed 
himself, and for a considerable time kept out of the way 
in the country of the Sabines, often changing his quarters, 

L 2 9 2 l 



CAESAR 



till one night, as he was removing from one house to 
another on account of his health, he fell into the hands 
of Sulla's soldiers, who were searching those parts to 
apprehend any who had absconded. Csesar, by a bribe of 
two talents, prevailed with Cornelius, their captain, to let 
him go, and was no sooner dismissed but he put to sea, 
and made for Bithynia. After a short stay there with 
Nicomedes, the king, in his passage back he was taken 
near the island Pharmacusa by some of the pirates, who, 
at that time, with large fleets of ships and innumerable 
smaller vessels infested the seas. 

When these men at first demanded of him twenty tal- 
ents for his ransom, he laughed at them for not under- 
standing the value of their prisoner, and voluntarily 
engaged to give them fifty. He presently despatched 
those about him to several places to raise the money, till 
at last he was left among a set of the most bloodthirsty 
people in the world, the Cilicians, with only one friend 
and two attendants. Yet he made so little of them, that 
when he had a mind to sleep, he would send to them, and 
order them to make no noise. 

For thirty-eight days, with all the freedom in the world, 
he amused himself with joining in their exercises and 
games, as if they had not been his keepers, but his guards. 
He wrote verses and speeches, and made them his audi- 
tors, and those who did not admire them, he called to 
their faces illiterate and barbarous, and would often, in 
raillery, threaten to hang them. They were greatly taken 
with this, and attributed his free talking to a kind of 
simplicity and boyish playfulness. 

[ 2 93 ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



As soon as his ransom was come from Miletus, he 
paid it, and was discharged, and proceeded at once to 
man some ships at the port of Miletus, and went in pur- 
suit of the pirates, whom he surprised with their ships 
still stationed at the island, and took most of them. 
Their money he made his prize, and the men he secured 
in prison at Pergamus, and made application to Junius, 
who was then governor of Asia, to whose office it 
belonged, as praetor, to determine their punishment. 

Junius, having his eye upon the money, for the sum 
was considerable, said he would think at his leisure what 
to do with the prisoners, upon which Caesar took his 
leave of him, and went off to Pergamus, where he ordered 
the pirates to be brought forth and crucified ; the punish- 
ment he had often threatened them with whilst he was 
in their hands, and they little dreamed he was in earnest. 

In the mean time Sulla's power being now on the de- 
cline, Caesar's friends advised him to return to Rome ; 
but he went to Rhodes, and entered himself in the school 
of Apollonius, Molon's son, a famous rhetorician, one 
who had the reputation of a worthy man, and had Cicero 
for one of his scholars. 

Caesar is said to have been admirably fitted by nature 
to make a great statesman and orator, and to have taken 
such pains to improve his genius this way, that without 
dispute he might challenge the second place. More he 
did not aim at, as choosing to be first rather amongst men 
of arms and power, and, therefore, never rose to that 
height of eloquence to which nature would have carried 
him, his attention being diverted to those expeditions and 

[ 2 94] 



CiESAR 



designs which at length gained him the empire. And he 
himself, in his answer to Cicero's panegyric on Cato, de- 
sires his reader not to compare the plain discourse of a 
soldier with the harangues of an orator who had not only 
fine parts, but had employed his life in this study. 

When he was returned to Rome, he accused Dolabella 
of maladministration, and many cities of Greece came in 
to attest it. Dolabella was acquitted, and Caesar, in return 
for the support he had received from the Greeks, assisted 
them in their prosecution of Publius Antonius for corrupt 
practices, before Marcus Lucullus, praetor of Macedonia. 
In this cause he so far succeeded, that Antonius was 
forced to appeal to the tribunes of Rome, alleging that 
in Greece he could not have fair play against Grecians. 

In his pleadings at Rome, his eloquence soon obtained 
him great credit and favor, and he won no less upon the 
affections of the people by the affability of his manners 
and address, in which he showed a tact and consideration 
beyond what could have been expected at his age ; and 
the open house he kept, the entertainments he gave, and 
the general splendor of his manner of life contributed 
little by little to create and increase his political influence. 

His enemies slighted the growth of it at first, presum- 
ing it would soon fail when his money was gone ; whilst 
in the mean time it was growing up and flourishing among 
the common people. 

When his power at last was established and not to be 
overthrown, and now openly tended to the altering of the 
whole constitution, they were aware too late, that there 
is no beginning so mean, which continued application 

[ 2 95 ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



will not make considerable, and that despising a danger 
at first, will make it at last irresistible. 

Cicero was the first w T ho had any suspicions of his 
designs upon the government, and, as a good pilot is 
apprehensive of a storm when the sea is most smiling, 
saw the designing temper of the man through this dis- 
guise of good humor and affability, and said, that in 
general, in all he did and undertook, he detected the 
ambition for absolute power ; " but when I see his hair 
so carefully arranged, and observe him adjusting it with 
one finger, I cannot imagine it should enter into such a 
man's thoughts to subvert the Roman state." 

But of this more hereafter. 

The first proof he had of the people's good will to him, 
was when he received by their suffrages a tribuneship in 
the army, and came out on the list with a higher place than 
Gaius Popilius. A second and clearer instance of their favor 
appeared upon his making a magnificent oration in praise 
of his aunt Julia, wife to Marius, publicly in the Forum, 
at whose funeral he was so bold as to bring forth the im- 
ages of Marius, which nobody had dared to produce since 
the government came into Sulla's hands, Marius's party 
having from that time been declared enemies of the state. 

When some who were present had begun to raise a 
cry against Caesar, the people answered with loud shouts 
and clapping in his favor, expressing their joyful surprise 
and satisfaction at his having, as it were, brought up 
again from the grave those honors of Marius, which for 
so long a time had been lost to the city. 

It had always been the custom at Rome to make funeral 
[296] 



C^SAR 



orations in praise of elderly matrons, but there was no 
precedent of any upon young women till Caesar first made 
one upon the death of his own wife. This also procured 
him favor, and by this show of affection he won upon 
the feelings of the people, who looked upon him as a 
man of great tenderness and kindness of heart. 

After he had buried his wife, he went as quaestor into 
Spain under one of the praetors, named Vetus, whom he 
honored ever after, and made his son his own quaestor, 
when he himself came to be praetor. 

After this employment was ended, he married Pompeia, 
his third wife, having then a daughter by Cornelia, his first 
wife, whom he afterwards married to Pompey the Great. 

He was so profuse in his expenses, that before he had 
any public employment, he was in debt thirteen hundred 
talents, and many thought that by incurring such expense to 
be popular, he changed a solid good for what would prove 
but a short and uncertain return ; but in truth he was 
purchasing what was of the greatest value at an incon- 
siderable rate. When he was made surveyor of the Appian 
Way, he disbursed, besides the public money, a great sum 
out of his private purse ; and when he was aedile, he pro- 
vided such a number of gladiators, that he entertained 
the people with three hundred and twenty single combats, 
and by his great liberality and magnificence in theatrical 
shows, in processions, and public feastings, he threw into 
the shade all the attempts that had been made before him, 
and gained so much upon the people, that every one was 
eager to find out new offices and new honors for him in 
return for his munificence. 

[ 2 97 ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



There being two factions in the city, one that of Sulla, 
which was very powerful, the other that of Marius, which 
was then broken and in a very low condition, he under- 
took to revive this and to make it his own. And to this 
end, whilst he was in the height of his repute with the 
people for the magnificent shows he gave as aedile, he 
ordered images of Marius, and figures of Victory, with 
trophies in their hands, to be carried privately in the night 
and placed in the Capitol. 

Next morning, when some saw them bright with gold 
and beautifully made, with inscriptions upon them, re- 
ferring them to Marius's exploits over the Cimbrians, they 
were surprised at the boldness of him who had set them 
up, nor was it difficult to guess who it was. The fame of 
this soon spread and brought together a great concourse 
of people. 

Some cried out that it was an open attempt against 
the established government thus to revive those honors 
which had been buried by the laws and decrees of the 
senate ; that Caesar had done it to sound the temper of the 
people whom he had prepared before, and to try whether 
they were tame enough to bear his humor, and would 
quietly give way to his innovations. 

On the other hand, Marius's party took courage, and 
it was incredible how numerous they were suddenly seen 
to be, and what a multitude of them appeared and came 
shouting into the Capitol. Many, when they saw Marius's 
likeness, cried for joy, and Caesar was highly extolled as 
the one man, in the place of all others, who was a relation 
worthy of Marius. 

[298] 



CAESAR 



Upon this the senate met, and Catulus Lutatius, one 
of the most eminent Romans of that time, stood up and 
inveighed against Caesar, closing his speech with the re- 
markable saying, that Caesar was now not working mines, 
but planting batteries to overthrow the state. But when 
Caesar had made an apology for himself, and satisfied the 
senate, his admirers were very much animated, and ad- 
vised him not to depart from his own thoughts for any 
one, since with the people's good favor he would erelong 
get the better of them all, and be the first man in the 
commonwealth. 

At this time, Metellus, the High Priest, died, and Catu- 
lus and Isauricus, persons of the highest reputation, and 
who had great influence in the senate, were competitors 
for the office ; yet Caesar would not give way to them, 
but presented himself to the people as a candidate against 
them. The several parties seeming very equal, Catulus, 
who, because he had the most honor to lose, was the 
most apprehensive of the event, sent to Caesar to buy him 
off, with offers of a great sum of money. But his answer 
was, that he was ready to borrow a larger sum than that, 
to carry on the contest. 

Upon the day of election, as his mother conducted 
him out of doors with tears, after embracing her, " My 
mother," he said, " to-day you will see me either High 
Priest, or an exile." 

When the votes were taken, after a great struggle, he 
carried it, and excited among the senate and nobility great 
alarm lest he might now urge on the people to every kind 
of insolence. 

[ 2 99 ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



And Piso and Catulus found fault with Cicero for hav- 
ing let Caesar escape, when in the conspiracy of Catiline 
he had given the government such advantage against him. 
For Catiline, who had designed not only to change the 
present state of affairs, but to subvert the whole empire 
and confound all, had himself taken to flight, while the 
evidence was yet incomplete against him, before his ulti- 
mate purposes had been properly discovered. But he had 
left Lentulus and Cethegus in the city to supply his place 
in the conspiracy, and whether they received any secret 
encouragement and assistance from Caesar is uncertain ; 
all that is certain, is, that they were fully convicted in 
the senate, and when Cicero, the consul, asked the several 
opinions of the senators, how they would have them 
punished, all who spoke before Caesar sentenced them to 
death ; but Caesar stood up and made a set speech, in 
which he told them, that he thought it without precedent 
and not just to take away the lives of persons of their 
birth and distinction before they were fairly tried, unless 
there was an absolute necessity for it ; but that if they 
were kept confined in any towns of Italy which Cicero 
himself should choose, till Catiline was defeated, then 
the senate might in peace and at their leisure determine 
what was best to be done. 

This sentence of his carried so much appearance of 
humanity, and he gave it such advantage by the eloquence 
with which he urged it, that not only those who spoke 
after him closed with it, but even they who had before 
given a contrary opinion, now came over to his, till it 
came about to Catulus's and Cato's turn to speak. They 

[3°o] 



C JE S A R 



warmly opposed it, and Cato intimated in his speech the 
suspicion of Caesar himself, and pressed the matter so 
strongly, that the criminals were given up to suffer 
execution. 

As Caesar was going out of the senate, many of the 
young men who at that time acted as guards to Cicero, 
ran in with their naked swords to assault him. But 
Curio, it is said, threw his gown over him and conveyed 
him away, and Cicero himself, when the young men 
looked up to see his wishes, gave a sign not to kill him, 
either for fear of the people, or because he thought the 
murder unjust and illegal. 

If this be true, I wonder how Cicero came to omit all 
mention of it in his book about his consulship. He was 
blamed, however, afterwards, for not having made use of 
so fortunate an opportunity against Caesar, as if he had 
let it escape him out of fear of the populace, who, indeed, 
showed remarkable solicitude about Caesar, and some time 
after, when he went into the senate to clear himself of 
the suspicions he lay under, and found great clamors 
raised against him, upon the senate in consequence sit- 
ting longer than ordinary, they went up to the house in 
a tumult, and beset it, demanding Caesar, and requiring 
them to dismiss him. 

Upon this, Cato, much fearing some movement among 
the poor citizens, who were always the first to kindle the 
flame among the people, and placed all their hopes in 
Caesar, persuaded the senate to give them a monthly 
allowance of corn, an expedient which put the common- 
wealth to an extraordinary charge, but quite succeeded 

[301 ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



in removing the great cause of terror for the present, 
and very much weakened Caesar's power, who at that 
time was just going to be made praetor, and consequently 
would have been more formidable by his office. 

Caesar, being out of his praetorship, had got the prov- 
ince of Spain, but was in great embarrassment with his 
creditors, who, as he was going off, came upon him, and 
were very pressing and importunate. This led him to 
apply himself to Crassus, who was the richest man in 
Rome, but wanted Caesar's youthful vigor and heat to sus- 
tain the opposition against Pompey. Crassus took upon him 
to satisfy those creditors who were most uneasy to him, 
and would not be put off any longer, and engaged himself 
to the amount of eight hundred and thirty talents, upon 
which Caesar was now at liberty to go to his province. 

In his journey, as he was crossing the Alps, and 
passing by a small village of the barbarians with but 
few inhabitants and those wretchedly poor, his compan- 
ions asked the question among themselves, by way of 
mockery, if there were any canvassing for offices there ; 
any contention which should be uppermost, or feuds of 
great men one against another. To which Caesar made 
answer, seriously, " For my part, I had rather be the 
first man among these fellows, than the second man 
in Rome." 

It is said that another time, when free from business 
in Spain, after reading some part of the history of Alex- 
ander, he sat a great while very thoughtful, and at last 
burst out into tears. His friends were surprised, and 
asked him the reason of it. 

[3° 2 ] 



CAESAR 



"Do you think/' said he, "I have not just cause to 
weep, when I consider that Alexander at my age had con- 
quered so many nations, and I have all this time done 
nothing that is memorable ? " 

As soon as he came into Spain he was very active, 
and in a few days had got together ten new cohorts of 
foot in addition to the twenty which were there before. 
With these he marched against the Callaeci and Lusitani 
and conquered them, and advancing as far as the ocean, 
subdued the tribes which never before had been subject 
to the Romans. 

Having managed his military affairs with good suc- 
cess, he was equally happy in the course of his civil 
government. He took pains to establish a good under- 
standing amongst the several states, and no less care to 
heal the differences between debtors and creditors. He 
ordered that the creditor should receive two parts of the 
debtor's yearly income, and that the other part should 
be managed by the debtor himself, till by this method 
the whole debt was at last discharged. This conduct 
made him leave his province with a fair reputation ; 
being rich himself, and having enriched his soldiers, 
and having received from them the honorable name of 
Imperator. 

There is a law among the Romans, that whoever 
desires the honor of a triumph must stay without the 
city and expect his answer. And another, that those 
who stand for the consulship shall appear personally 
upon the place. 

Caesar was come home at the very time of choosing 

[3°3 ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



consuls, and being in a difficulty between these two 
opposite laws, sent to the senate to desire that since he 
was obliged to be absent, he might sue for the consul- 
ship by his friends. Cato, being backed by the law, at 
first opposed his request ; afterwards perceiving that 
Caesar had prevailed with a great part of the senate to 
comply with it, he made it his business to gain time, and 
went on wasting the whole day in speaking. Upon which 
Caesar thought fit to let the triumph fall, and pursued 
the consulship. 

Entering the town and coming forward immediately, 
he had recourse to a piece of state policy by which every- 
body was deceived but Cato. This was the reconciling 
of Crassus and Pompey, the two men who then were 
most powerful in Rome. 

There had been a quarrel between them, which he 
now succeeded in making up, and by this means strength- 
ened himself by the united power of both, and so under 
the cover of an action which carried all the appearance 
of a piece of kindness and good nature, caused what was 
in effect a revolution in the government. For it was not 
the quarrel between Pompey and Caesar, as most men 
imagine, which was the origin of the civil wars, but their 
union, their conspiring together at first to subvert the 
aristocracy, and so quarreling afterwards between them- 
selves. Cato, who often foretold what the consequence 
of this alliance would be, had then the character of a 
sullen, interfering man, but in the end the reputation of 
a wise but unsuccessful counselor. 

Thus Caesar, being doubly supported by the interests 

[304] 



CJESAR 



of Crassus and Pompey, was promoted to the consulship, 
and triumphantly proclaimed with Calpurnius Bibulus. 

When he entered on his office, he brought in bills 
which would have been preferred with better grace by 
the most audacious of the tribunes than by a consul, in 
which he proposed the plantation of colonies and division 
of lands, simply to please the commonalty. 

The best and most honorable of the senators opposed 
it, upon which, as he had long wished for nothing more 
than for such a colorable pretext, he loudly protested how 
much against his will it was to be driven to seek support 
from the people, and how the senate's insulting and harsh 
conduct left no other course possible for him, than to 
devote himself henceforth to the popular cause and inter- 
est. And so he hurried out of the senate, and presenting 
himself to the people, and there placing Crassus and 
Pompey one on each side of him, he asked them whether 
they consented to the bills he had proposed. 

They owned their assent, upon which he desired them 
to assist him against those who had threatened to oppose 
him with their swords. They engaged they would, and 
Pompey added further, that he would meet their swords 
with a sword and buckler too. 

These words the nobles much resented, as neither suit- 
able to his own dignity, nor becoming the reverence due 
to the senate, but resembling rather the vehemence of 
a boy, or the fury of a madman. But the people were 
pleased with it. 

To get a yet firmer hold upon Pompey, Caesar, having 
a daughter, Julia, who had been before contracted to 

[305] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



Servilius Caepio, now betrothed her to Pompey, and told 
Servilius he should have Pompey's daughter, who was not 
unengaged either, but promised to Sulla's son, Faustus. 

A little time after, Caesar married Calpurnia, the 
daughter of Piso, and got Piso made consul for the year 
following. 

Cato exclaimed loudly against this, and protested with 
a great deal of warmth, that it was intolerable the govern- 
ment should be prostituted by marriages, and that they 
should advance one another to the commands of armies, 
provinces, and other great posts, by means of women. 
Bibulus, Caesar's colleague, finding it was to no purpose 
to oppose his bills, but that he was in danger of being 
murdered in the Forum, as also was Cato, confined him- 
self to his house, and there let the remaining part of his 
consulship expire. 

Pompey, when he was married, at once filled the Forum 
with soldiers, and gave the people his help in passing the 
new laws, and secured Caesar the government of all Gaul, 
both on this and the other side of the Alps, together with 
Illyricum, and the command of four legions for five years. 
Cato made some attempts against these proceedings, but 
was seized and led off on the way to prison by Caesar, 
who expected he would appeal to the tribunes. But when 
he saw that Cato went along without speaking a word, 
and not only . the nobility were indignant, but that the 
people, also, out of respect for Cato's virtue, were fol- 
lowing in silence, and with dejected looks, he himself 
privately desired one of the tribunes to rescue Cato. 

As for the other senators, some few of them attended 

[306] 



CAESAR 



the house ; the rest, being disgusted, absented themselves. 
Hence Considius, a very old man, took occasion one day 
to tell Caesar, that the senators did not meet because they 
were afraid of his soldiers. 

Caesar asked, "Why don't you then, out of the same 
fear, keep at home?" To which Considius replied, that 
age was his guard against fear, and that the small remains 
of his life were not worth much caution. 

Thus far have we followed Caesar's actions before the 
wars of Gaul. After this, he seems to begin his course 
afresh, and to enter upon a new life and scene of action. 
And the period of those wars which he now fought, and 
those many expeditions in which he subdued Gaul, showed 
him to be a soldier and a general not in the least inferior 
to any of the greatest and most admired commanders who 
had ever appeared at the head of armies. For if we com- 
pare him with the Fabii, the Metelli, the Scipios, and with 
those who were his contemporaries, or not long before 
him, Sulla, Marius, the two Luculli, or even Pompey him- 
self, whose glory, it may be said, went up at that time to 
heaven for every excellence in war, we shall find Caesar's 
actions to have surpassed them all. 

One he may be held to have outdone in consideration 
of the difficulty of the country in which he fought, another 
in the extent of territory which he conquered ; some, in 
the number and strength of the enemies whom he de- 
feated ; one man, because of the wildness and perfidious- 
ness of the tribes whose good will he conciliated, another 
in his humanity and clemency to those he overpowered ; 
others, again, in his gifts and kindnesses to his soldiers ; all 

[307 ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



alike in the number of the battles which he fought and 
the enemies wham he killed. For he had not pursued the 
wars in Gaul full ten years when he had taken by storm 
above eight hundred towns, subdued three hundred states, 
and of the three millions of men, who made up the gross 
sum of those with whom at several times he engaged, he 
had killed one million, and taken captive a second. 

He was so much master of the good will and hearty 
service of his soldiers, that those who in other expedi- 
tions were but ordinary men, displayed a courage past de- 
feating or withstanding when they went upon any danger 
where Caesar's glory was concerned. Such a one was 
Acilius, who, in the sea fight before Marseilles, had his 
right hand struck off with a sword, yet did not quit his 
buckler out of his left, but struck the enemies in the 
face with it, till he drove them off, and made himself 
master of the vessel. 

Again, in Britain, when some of the foremost officers 
had accidentally got into a morass full of water, and there 
were assaulted by the enemy, a common soldier, whilst 
Caesar stood and looked on, threw himself into the midst 
of them, and after many single demonstrations of his 
valor, rescued the officers and beat off the barbarians. 
He himself, in the end, took to the water, and with much 
difficulty, partly by swimming, partly by wading, passed 
it, but in the passage lost his shield. 

Caesar and his officers saw it and admired, and went to 
meet him with joy and acclamation. But the soldier, much 
dejected and in tears, threw himself down at Caesar's feet, 
and begged his pardon for having let go his buckler. 

[308] 



C S A R 



Another time, in Africa, Scipio having taken a ship of 
Caesar's in which Granius Petro, lately appointed quaestor, 
was sailing, gave the other passengers as free prize to his 
soldiers, but thought fit to offer the quaestor his life. But 
he said it was not usual for Caesar's soldiers to take, 
but give mercy, and having said so, fell upon his sword 
and killed himself. 

This love of honor and passion for distinction were 
inspired into them and cherished in them by Caesar him- 
self, who, by his unsparing distribution of money and 
honors, showed them that he did not heap up wealth 
from the wars for his own luxury, or the gratifying his 
private pleasures, but that all he received was but a public 
fund laid by for the reward and encouragement of valor, 
and that he looked upon all he gave to deserving soldiers 
as so much increase to his own riches. Added to this, 
also, there was no danger to which he did not willingly 
expose himself, no labor from which he pleaded an 
exemption. 

His contempt of danger was not so much wondered at 
by his soldiers, because they knew how much he coveted 
honor. But his enduring so much hardship, which he did 
to all appearance beyond his natural strength, very much 
astonished them. For he was a spare man, had a soft and 
white skin, was distempered in the head, and subject to 
an epilepsy, which, it is said, first seized him at Corduba. 

But he did not make the weakness of his constitution 
a pretext for his ease, but rather used war as the best 
physic against his indispositions ; whilst by indefatigable 
journeys, coarse diet, frequent lodging in the field, and 

[3°9] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



continual laborious exercise, he struggled with his dis- 
eases, and fortified his body against all attacks. He slept 
generally in his chariots or litters, employing even his 
rest in pursuit of action. In the day he was thus carried 
to the forts, garrisons, and camps, one servant sitting 
with him, who used to write down what he dictated as he 
went, and a soldier attending behind with his sword drawn. 

He drove so rapidly, that when he first left Rome, he 
arrived at the river Rhone within eight days. He had 
been an expert rider from his childhood ; for it was usual 
with him to sit with his hands joined together behind his 
back, and so to put his horse to its full speed. And in 
this war he disciplined himself so far as to be able to dic- 
tate letters from on horseback, and to give directions to 
two who took notes at the same time, or, as Oppius says, 
to more. And it is thought that he was the first who con- 
trived means for communicating with friends by cipher, 
when either press of business, or the large extent of the 
city, left him no time for a personal conference about 
matters that required despatch. 

How little nice he was in his diet, may be seen in 
the following instance. When at the table of Valerius 
Leo, who entertained him at supper at Milan, a dish of 
asparagus was put before him, on which his host instead 
of oil had poured sweet ointment. Caesar partook of it 
without any disgust, and reprimanded his friends for 
finding fault with it. "For it was enough," said he, 
" not to eat what you did not like ; but he who reflects 
on another man's want of breeding, shows he wants it 
as much himself.' ' 

[310] 



C^SAR 



Another time upon the road he was driven by a storm 
into a poor man's cottage, where he found but one room, 
and that such as would afford but a mean reception to a 
single person, and therefore told his companions, places 
of honor should be given up to the greater men, and 
necessary accommodations to the weaker, and accord- 
ingly ordered that Oppius, who was in bad health, 
should lodge within, whilst he and the rest slept under 
a shed at the door. 

His first war in Gaul was against the Helvetians and 
Tigurini, who having burnt their own towns, twelve in 
number, and four hundred villages, would have marched 
forward through that part of Gaul which was included 
in the Roman province, as the Cimbrians and Teutons 
formerly had done. Nor were they inferior to these in 
courage ; and in numbers they were equal, being in all 
three hundred thousand, of which one hundred and 
ninety thousand were fighting men. 

Caesar did not engage the Tigurini in person, but 
Labienus, under his directions, routed them near the 
river Arar. 

The Helvetians surprised Caesar and unexpectedly set 
upon him as he was conducting his army to a confederate 
town. He succeeded, however, in making his retreat into 
a strong position, where, when he had mustered and 
marshaled his men, his horse was brought to him ; 
upon which he said, " When I have won the battle, 
I will use my horse for the chase, but at present let 
us go against the enemy,' ' and accordingly charged 
them on foot. 

[3"] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



After a long and severe combat, he drove the main 
army out of the field, but found the hardest work at 
their carriages and ramparts, where not only the men 
stood and fought, but the women also and children de- 
fended themselves, till they were cut to pieces ; inso- 
much that the fight was scarcely ended till midnight. 

This action, glorious in itself, Caesar crowned with 
another yet more noble, by gathering in a body all the 
barbarians that had escaped out of the battle, above one 
hundred thousand in number, and obliging them to re- 
occupy the country which they had deserted, and the cities 
which they had burnt. This he did for fear the Germans 
should pass in and possess themselves of the land whilst 
it lay uninhabited. 

His second war was in defence of the Gauls against 
the Germans, though some time before he had made 
Ariovistus, their king, recognized at Rome as an ally. 
But they were very insufferable neighbors to those under 
his government ; and it was probable, when occasion 
offered, they would renounce the present arrangements, 
and march on to occupy Gaul. 

But finding his officers timorous, and especially those 
of the young nobility who came along with him in hopes 
of turning their campaigns with him into a means for 
their own pleasure or profit, he called them together, 
and advised them to march off, and not run the hazard 
of a battle against their inclinations, since they had such 
weak and unmanly feelings ; telling them that he would 
take only the tenth legion, and march against the bar- 
barians, whom he did not expect to find an enemy more 

[312 ] 



C^SAR 



formidable than the Cimbri, nor, he added, should they 
find him a general inferior to Marius. 

Upon this, the tenth legion deputed some of their 
body to pay him their acknowledgments and thanks, 
and the other legions blamed their officers, and all, 
with great vigor and zeal, followed him many days' 
journey, till they encamped within twenty-five miles of 
the enemy. 

Ariovistus's courage to some extent was cooled upon 
their very approach ; for never expecting the Romans 
would attack the Germans, whom he had thought it 
more likely they would not venture to withstand even 
in defence of their own subjects, he w 7 as the more sur- 
prised at Caesar's conduct, and saw his army to be in 
consternation. They were still more discouraged by the 
prophecies of their holy women, who foretell the future 
by observing the eddies of rivers, and taking signs from 
the windings and noise of streams, and who now warned 
them not to engage before the next new moon appeared. 

Caesar having had intimation of this, and seeing the 
Germans lie still, thought it expedient to attack them 
whilst they were under these apprehensions, rather than 
sit still and wait their time. Accordingly he made his 
approaches to the strongholds and hills on which they 
lay encamped, and so galled and fretted them, that at 
last they came down with great fury to engage.- But 
he gained a signal victory, and pursued them for four 
hundred furlongs, as far as the Rhine ; all which space 
was covered with spoils and bodies of the slain. Ario- 
vistus made shift to pass the Rhine with the small 

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remains of an army, for it is said the number of the 
slain amounted to eighty thousand. 

After this action, Caesar left his army at their winter 
quarters, in the country of the Sequani, and in order to 
attend to affairs at Rome, went into that part of Gaul 
which lies on the Po, and was part of his province ; for 
the river Rubicon divides Gaul, which is on this side 
the Alps, from the rest of Italy. There he sat down 
and employed himself in courting people's favor ; great 
numbers coming to him continually, and always finding 
their requests answered ; for he never failed to dismiss 
all with present pledges of his kindness in hand, and 
further hopes for the future. 

And during all this time of the war in Gaul, Pompey 
never observed how Caesar was on the one hand using 
the arms of Rome to effect his conquests, and on the 
other was gaining over and securing to himself the favor 
of the Romans, with the wealth which those conquests 
obtained him. 

But when Caesar heard that the Belgae, who were the 
most powerful of all the Gauls, and inhabited a third 
part of the country, were revolted, and had got together 
a great many thousand men in arms, he immediately set 
out and took his way thither with great expedition, and 
falling upon the enemy as they were ravaging the Gauls, 
his allies, he soon defeated and put to flight the largest 
and least scattered division of them ; for though their 
numbers were great, yet they made but a slender defence, 
and the marshes and deep rivers were made passable to 
the Roman foot by the vast quantity of dead bodies. 

[314] 



Of those who revolted, all the tribes that lived near 
the ocean came over without fighting, and he, therefore, 
led his army against the Nervii, the fiercest and most 
warlike people of all in those parts. These live in a 
country covered with continuous woods, and having 
lodged their children and property out of the way in 
the depth of the forest, fell upon Caesar with a body of 
sixty thousand men, before he was prepared for them, 
while he was making his encampment. 

They soon routed his cavalry, and having surrounded 
the twelfth and seventh legions, killed all the officers, 
and had not Caesar himself snatched up a buckler and 
forced his way through his own men to come up to the 
barbarians, or had not the tenth legion, when they saw 
him in danger, run in from the tops of the hills, where 
they lay, and broken through the enemy's ranks to rescue 
him, in all probability not a Roman would have been 
saved. But now, under the influence of Caesar's bold 
example, they fought a battle, as the phrase is, of more 
than human courage, and yet with their utmost efforts 
they were not able to drive the enemy out of the field, 
but cut them down fighting in their defence. For out 
of sixty thousand men, it is stated that not above five 
hundred survived the battle, and of four hundred of 
their senators not above three. 

When the Roman senate had received news of this, 
they voted sacrifices and festivals to the gods, to be 
strictly observed for the space of fifteen days, a longer 
space than ever was observed for any victory before. 
The danger to which they had been exposed by the joint 

[315] 



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outbreak of such a number of nations was felt to have 
been great ; and the people's fondness for Caesar gave 
additional luster to successes achieved by him. 

He now, after settling everything in Gaul, came back 
again, and spent the winter by the Po, to carry on the 
designs he had in hand at Rome. All who were candi- 
dates for offices used his assistance, and were supplied 
with money from him to corrupt the people and buy 
their votes, in return of which, when they were chosen, 
they did all things to advance his power. But what was 
more considerable, the most eminent and powerful men 
in Rome in great numbers came to visit him at Lucca, 
Pompey, and Crassus, and Appius, the governor of Sar- 
dinia, and Nepos, the proconsul of Spain, so that there 
were in the place at one time one hundred and twenty 
lictors and more than two hundred senators. 

In deliberation here held, it was determined that Pom- 
pey and Crassus should be consuls again for the following 
year ; that Caesar should have a fresh supply of money, 
and that his command should be renewed to him for five 
years more. 

It seemed very extravagant to all thinking men, that 
those very persons who had received so much money 
from Caesar should persuade the senate to grant him 
more, as if he were in want. Though in truth it was not 
so much upon persuasion as compulsion, that, with sorrow 
and groans for their own acts, they passed the measure. 
Cato was not present, for they had sent him seasonably 
out of the way into Cyprus ; but Favonius, who was a 
zealous imitator of Cato, when he found he could do no 

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good by opposing it, broke out of the house, and loudly 
declaimed against these proceedings to the people, but 
none gave him any hearing ; some slighting him out of 
respect to Crassus and Pompey, and the greater part to 
gratify Caesar, on whom depended their hopes. 

After this, Caesar returned again to his forces in Gaul, 
where he found that country involved in a dangerous war, 
two strong nations of the Germans having lately passed 
the Rhine, to conquer it ; one of them called the Usipetes, 
the other the Tencteri. 

Of the war with this people, Caesar himself has given 
this account in his " Commentaries," that the barbarians, 
having sent ambassadors to treat with him, did, during 
the treaty, set upon him in his march, by which means 
with eight hundred men they routed five thousand of his 
horse, who did not suspect their coming ; that afterwards 
they sent other ambassadors to renew the same fraudulent 
practices, whom he kept in custody, and led on his army 
against the barbarians, as judging it mere simplicity to 
keep faith with those who had so faithlessly broken the 
terms they had agreed to. 

But Tanusius states, that when the senate decreed festi- 
vals and sacrifices for this victory, Cato declared it to be 
his opinion that Caesar ought to be given into the hands of 
the barbarians, that so the guilt which this breach of faith 
might otherwise bring upon the state, might be expiated by 
transferring the curse on him, who was the occasion of it. 

Of those who passed the Rhine, there were four hun- 
dred thousand cut off ; those few who escaped were shel- 
tered by the Sugambri, a people of Germany. Caesar 

' [3i7] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



took hold of this pretence to invade the Germans, being 
at the same time ambitious of the honor of being the 
first man that should pass the Rhine with an army. He 
carried a bridge across it, though it was very wide, and 
the current at that particular point very full, strong, and 
violent, bringing down with its waters trunks of trees, 
and other lumber, which much shook and weakened the 
foundations of his bridge. But he drove great piles of 
wood into the bottom of the river above the passage, to 
catch and stop these as they floated down, and thus fixing 
his bridle upon the stream, successfully finished his bridge, 
which no one who saw could believe to be the work but 
of ten days. 

In the passage of his army over it, he met with no 
opposition ; the Suevi themselves, who are the most war- 
like people of all Germany, flying with their effects into 
the deepest and most densely wooded valleys. When he 
had burnt all the enemy's country, and encouraged those 
who embraced the Roman interest, he went back into 
Gaul, after eighteen days' stay in Germany. 

But his expedition into Britain was the most famous 
testimony of his courage. For he was the first who 
brought a navy into the western ocean, or who sailed 
into the Atlantic with an arjny to make war ; and by in- 
vading an island, the reported extent of which had made 
its existence a matter of controversy among historians, 
many of whom questioned whether it were not a mere 
name and fiction, not a real place, he might be said to 
have carried the Roman empire beyond the limits of the 
known world. 

[318] 



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He passed thither twice from that part of Gaul which 
lies over against it, and in several battles which he fought, 
did more hurt to the enemy than service to himself, for 
the islanders were so miserably poor that they had nothing 
worth being plundered of. When he found himself un- 
able to put such an end to the war as he wished, he was 
content to take hostages from the king, and to impose 
a tribute, and then quitted the island. 

At his arrival in Gaul, he found letters which lay ready 
to be conveyed over the water to him from his friends 
at Rome, announcing his daughter's death. Caesar and 
Pompey, her husband, both were much afflicted with her 
death, nor were their friends less disturbed, believing that 
the alliance was now broken, which had hitherto kept the 
sickly commonwealth in peace. The people took the body 
of Julia, in spite of the opposition of the tribunes, and 
carried it into the field of Mars, and there her funeral 
rites were performed, and her remains are laid. 

Caesar's army was now grown very numerous, so that he 
was forced to disperse them into various camps for their 
winter quarters, and he having gone himself to Italy, as he 
used to do, in his absence a general outbreak throughout 
the whole of Gaul commenced, and large armies marched 
about the country, and attacked the Roman quarters, and 
attempted to make themselves masters of the forts where 
they lay. The greatest and strongest party of the rebels, 
under the command of Ambiorix, cut off Cotta and Titu- 
rius with all their men, while a force sixty thousand strong 
besieged the legion under the command of Cicero, and 
had almost taken it by storm, the Roman soldiers being 

[3*9] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



all wounded, and having quite spent themselves by a 
defence beyond their natural strength. 

But Caesar, who was at a great distance, having re- 
ceived the news, quickly got together seven thousand 
men, and hastened to relieve Cicero. 

The besiegers were aware of it, and went to meet him, 
with great confidence that they should easily overpower 
such an handful of men. 

Caesar, to increase their presumption, seemed to avoid 
fighting, and still marched off, till he found a place con- 
veniently situated for a few to engage against many, where 
he encamped. He kept his soldiers from making any 
attack upon the enemy, and commanded them to raise 
the ramparts higher, and barricade the gates, that by show 
of fear, they might heighten the enemy's contempt of 
them. Till at last they came without any order in great 
security to make an assault, when Jie issued forth, and- 
put them to flight with the loss of many men. 

This quieted the greater part of the commotion in 
these parts of Gaul, and Caesar, in the course of the 
winter, visited every part of the country, and with great 
vigilance took precautions against all innovations. For 
there were three legions now come to him to supply the 
place of the men he had lost, of which Pompey furnished 
him with two, out of those under his command ; the other 
was newly raised in the part of Gaul by the Po. 

But in a while the seeds of war, which had long since 
been secretly sown and scattered by the most powerful 
men in those warlike nations, broke forth into the great- 
est and most dangerous war that ever was in those parts, 

[3 2 °] 



CAESAR 



both as regards the number of men in the vigor of their 
youth who were gathered and armed from all quarters, 
the vast funds of money collected to maintain it, the 
strength of the towns, and the difficulty of the country 
where it was carried on. 

It being winter, the rivers were frozen, the woods cov- 
ered with snow, and the level country flooded, so that in 
some places the ways were lost through the depth of the 
snow ; in others, the overflowing of marshes and streams 
made every kind of passage uncertain. All which diffi- 
culties made it seem impracticable for Caesar to make any 
attempt upon the insurgents. 

Many tribes had revolted together, the chief of them 
being the Arverni and Carnutes ; the general who had 
the supreme command in war was Vercingetorix, whose 
father the Gauls had put to death on suspicion of his 
aiming at absolute government. He having disposed his 
army in several bodies, and set officers over them, drew 
over to him all the country round about as far as those 
that lie upon the Arar, and having intelligence of the 
opposition which Caesar now experienced at Rome, thought 
to engage all Gaul in the war. Which if he had done a 
little later, when Caesar was taken up with the civil wars, 
Italy had been put into as great a terror as before it was 
by the Cimbri. 

But Caesar, who above all men was gifted with the 
faculty of making the right use of everything in war, and 
most especially of seizing the right moment, as soon as 
he heard of the revolt, returned immediately the same 
way he went, and showed the barbarians, by the quickness 

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PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



of his march in such a severe season, that an army 
was advancing against them which was invincible. For 
in the time that one would have thought it scarce credible 
that a courier or express should have come with a mes- 
sage from him, he himself appeared with all his army, 
ravaging the country, reducing their posts, subduing their 
towns, receiving into his protection those who declared 
for him. Till at last the Haedui, who hitherto had styled 
themselves brethren to the Romans, and had been much 
honored by them, declared against him, and joined the 
rebels, to the great discouragement of his army. 

Accordingly he removed thence, and passed the country 
of the Lingones, desiring to reach the territories of the 
Sequani, who were his friends, and who lay like a bul- 
wark in front of Italy against the other tribes of Gaul. 

There the enemy came upon him, and surrounded him 
with many myriads, whom he also was eager to engage ; 
and at last, after some time and with much slaughter, 
gained on the whole a complete victory ; though at first 
he appears to have met with some reverse, and the 
Arverni show you a small sword hanging up in a temple, 
which they say was taken from Caesar. Caesar saw this 
afterwards himself, and smiled, and when his friends 
advised it should be taken down, would not permit it, 
because he looked upon it as consecrated. 

After the defeat, a great part of those who had escaped, 
fled with their king into a town called Alesia, which 
Caesar besieged, though the height of the walls, and 
number of those who defended them, made it appear im- 
pregnable ; and meantime, from without the walls, he was 

[ 3 22 ] 



C^SAR 



assailed by a greater danger than can be expressed. For 
the choice men of Gaul, picked out of each nation, and 
well armed, came to relieve Alesia, to the number of 
three hundred thousand ; nor were there in the town less 
than one hundred and seventy thousand. So that Caesar, 
being shut up betwixt two such forces, was compelled to 
protect himself by two walls, one towards the town, the 
other against the relieving army, as knowing if these 
forces should join, his affairs would be entirely ruined. 

The danger that he underwent before Alesia, justly 
gained him great honor on many accounts, and gave him 
an opportunity of showing greater instances of his valor 
and conduct than any other contest had done. One 
wonders much how he should be able to engage and 
defeat so many thousands of men without the town, and 
not be perceived by those within, but yet more, that the 
Romans themselves, who guarded their wall which was 
next the town, should be strangers to it. For even they 
knew nothing of the victory, till they heard the cries of 
the men and lamentations of the women who were in the 
town, and had from thence seen the Romans at a distance 
carrying into their camp a great quantity of bucklers, 
adorned with gold and silver, many breastplates stained 
with blood, besides cups and tents made in the Gallic 
fashion. So soon did so vast an army dissolve and 
vanish like a ghost or dream, the greatest part of them 
being killed upon the spot. 

Those who were in Alesia, having given themselves 
and Caesar much trouble, surrendered at last ; and 
Vercingetorix, who was the chief spring of all the war, 

[ 3 2 3 ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



putting his best armor on, and adorning his horse, rode 
out of the gates, and made a turn about Caesar as he was 
sitting, then quitted his horse, threw off his armor, and 
remained seated quietly at Caesar's feet until he was led 
away to be reserved for the triumph. 

Caesar had long ago resolved upon the overthrow of 
Pompey, as had Pompey, for that matter, upon his. For 
Crassus, the fear of whom had hitherto kept them in 
peace, having now been killed in Parthia, if the one of 
them wished to make himself the greatest man in Rome, 
he had only to overthrow the other ; and if he again 
wished to prevent his own fall, he had nothing for it but 
to be beforehand with him whom he feared. 

Pompey had not been long under any such apprehen- 
sions, having till lately despised Caesar, as thinking it no 
difficult matter to put down him whom he himself had 
advanced. 

But Caesar had entertained this design from the begin- 
ning against his rivals, and had retired, like an expert 
wrestler, to prepare himself apart for the combat. Mak- 
ing the Gallic wars his exercise ground, he had at once 
improved the strength of his soldiery, and had height- 
ened his own glory by his great actions, so that he was 
looked on as one who might challenge comparison with 
Pompey. 

Nor did he let go any of those advantages which were 
now given him both by Pompey himself and the times, 
and the ill government of Rome, where all who were 
candidates for offices publicly gave money, and without 
any shame bribed the people, who having received their 

[324] 



CAESAR 



pay, did not contend for their benefactors with their bare 
suffrages, but with bows, swords, and slings. So that 
after having many times stained the place of election with 
the blood of men killed upon the spot, they left the city 
at last without a government at all, to be carried about 
like a ship without a pilot to steer her ; while all who 
had any wisdom could only be thankful if a course of 
such wild and stormy disorder and madness might end 
no worse than in a monarchy. 

Some were so bold as to declare openly, that the gov- 
ernment was incurable but by a monarchy, and that they 
ought to take that remedy from the hands of the gentlest 
physician, meaning Pompey, who, though in w 7 ords he 
pretended to decline it, yet in reality made his utmost 
efforts to be declared dictator. 

Cato perceiving his design, prevailed with the senate to 
make him sole consul, that with the offer of a more legal 
sort of monarchy he might be withheld from demanding 
the dictatorship. They over and above voted him the 
continuance of his provinces, for he had two, Spain and 
all Africa, which he governed by his lieutenants, and 
maintained armies under him, at the yearly charge of a 
thousand talents out of the public treasury. 

Upon this Caesar also sent and petitioned for the con- 
sulship, and the continuance of his provinces. 

Pompey at first did not stir in it, but Marcellus and 
Lentulus opposed it, who had always hated Caesar, and 
now did everything, whether fit or unfit, which might 
disgrace and affront him. For they took away the privi- 
lege of Roman citizens from the people of New Comum, 

[325 ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



who were a colony that Caesar had lately planted in Gaul ; 
and Marcellus, who was then consul, ordered one of the 
senators of that town, then at Rome, to be whipped, and 
told him he laid that mark upon him to signify he was 
no citizen of Rome, bidding him, when he went back 
again, to show it to Caesar. 

After Marcellus 's consulship, Caesar began to lavish 
gifts upon all the public men out of the riches he had 
taken from the Gauls. Pompey, alarmed, now openly 
took steps, both by himself and his friends, to have a 
successor appointed in Caesar's room, and sent to demand 
back the soldiers whom he had lent him to carry on the 
wars in Gaul. Caesar returned them, and made each 
soldier a present of two hundred and fifty drachmas. 

The officer who brought them home to Pompey, spread 
amongst the people no very fair or favorable report of 
Caesar, and flattered Pompey himself with false sugges- 
tions that he was wished for by Caesar's army ; and 
though his affairs here were in some embarrassment 
through the envy of some, and the ill state of the gov- 
ernment, yet there the army was at his command, and if 
they once crossed into Italy, would presently declare for 
him ; so weary were they of Caesar's endless expeditions, 
and so suspicious of his designs for a monarchy. 

Upon this Pompey grew presumptuous, and neglected 
all warlike preparations, as fearing no danger, and used 
no other means against him than mere speeches and 
votes, for which Caesar cared nothing. And one of his 
captains, it is said, who was sent by him to Rome, stand- 
ing before the senate house one day, and being told that 

[326] 



CESAR 



the senate would not give Caesar a longer time in his 
government, clapped his hand on the hilt of his sword, 
and said, " But this shall." 

Yet the demands which Caesar made had the fairest 
colors of equity imaginable. For he proposed to lay 
down his arms, and that Pompey should do the same, 
and both together should become private men, and each 
expect a reward of his services from the public. For 
that those who proposed to disarm him, and at the same 
time to confirm Pompey in all the power he held, were 
simply establishing the one in the tyranny which they 
accused the other of aiming at. 

When Curio made these proposals to the people in 
Caesar's name, he was loudly applauded, and some threw 
garlands towards him, and dismissed him as they do 
successful wrestlers, crowned with flowers. Antony, 
being tribune, produced a letter sent from Caesar on this 
occasion, and read it, though the consuls did what they 
could to oppose it. 

But Scipio, Pompey's father-in-law, proposed in the 
senate, that if Caesar did not lay down his arms within 
such a time, he should be voted an enemy ; and the con- 
suls putting it to the question, whether Pompey should 
dismiss his soldiers, and again, whether Caesar should 
disband his, very few assented to the first, but almost 
all to the latter. But Antony proposing again, that both 
should lay down their commissions, all but a very few 
agreed to it. Scipio was upon this very violent, and 
Lentulus the consul cried aloud, that they had need of 
arms, and not of suffrages, against a robber ; so that 

[327 ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



the senators for the present adjourned, and appeared in 
mourning as a mark of their grief for the dissension. 

Afterwards there came other letters from Caesar, which 
seemed yet more moderate, for he proposed to quit every- 
thing else, and only to retain Gaul within the Alps, 
Illyricum, and two legions, till he should stand a second 
time for consul. 

Cicero, the orator, who was lately returned from 
Cilicia, endeavored to reconcile differences, and soft- 
ened Pompey, who was willing to comply in other 
things, but not to allow him the soldiers. 

At last Cicero used his persuasions with Caesar's 
friends to accept of the provinces, and six thousand 
soldiers only, and so to make up the quarrel. And 
Pompey was inclined to give way to this, but Lentulus, 
the consul, would not hearken to it, but drove Antony 
and Curio out of the senate house with insults, by which 
he afforded Caesar the most plausible pretence that could 
be, and one which he could readily use to inflame the 
soldiers, by showing them two persons of such repute 
and authority, who were forced to escape in a hired 
carriage in the dress of slaves. For so they were glad 
to disguise themselves, when they fled out of Rome. 

There were not about him at that time above three 
hundred horse, and five thousand foot ; for the rest of 
his army, which was left behind the Alps, was to be 
brought after him by officers who had received orders 
for that purpose. But he thought the first motion towards 
the design which he had on foot did not require large 
forces at present, and that what was wanted was to make 

[328] 



CJESAR 



this first step suddenly, and so as to astound his enemies 
with the boldness of it ; as it would be easier, he thought, 
to throw them into consternation by doing what they 
never anticipated, than fairly to conquer them, if he had 
alarmed them by his preparations. And therefore, he 
commanded his captains and other officers to go only 
with their swords in their hands, without any other arms, 
and make themselves masters of Ariminum, a large city of 
Gaul, with as little disturbance and bloodshed as possible. 

He committed the care of these forces to Hortensius, 
and himself spent the day in public as a stander-by and 
spectator of the gladiators, who exercised before him. 

A little before night he attended to his person, and 
then went into the hall, and conversed for some time 
with those he had invited to supper, till it began to grow 
dusk, when he rose from table, and made his excuses to 
the company, begging them to stay till he came back, 
having already given private directions to a few imme- 
diate friends, that they should follow him, not all the 
same way, but some one way, some another. He him- 
self got into one of the hired carriages, and drove at first 
another way, but presently turned towards Ariminum. 

When he came to the river Rubicon, which parts Gaul 
within the Alps from the rest of Italy, his thoughts be- 
gan to work, now he was just entering upon the danger, 
and he wavered much in his mind, when he considered 
the greatness of the enterprise into which he was throw- 
ing himself. He checked his course, and ordered a halt, 
while he revolved with himself, and often changed his 
opinion one way and the other, without speaking a word. 

[ 3 2 9 ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



This was when his purposes fluctuated most ; presently 
he also discussed the matter with his friends who were 
about him (of which number Asinius Pollio was one), 
computing how many calamities his passing that river 
would bring upon mankind, and what a relation of it 
would be transmitted to posterity. 

At last, in a sort of passion, casting aside calculation, 
and abandoning himself to what might come, and using 
the proverb frequently in their mouths who enter upon 
dangerous and bold attempts, "The die is cast," with 
these words he took the river. Once over, he used 
all expedition possible, and before it was day reached 
Ariminum, and took it. 

As soon as Ariminum was taken, wide gates, so to 
say, were thrown open, to let in war upon every land 
alike and sea ; and with the limits of the province, the 
boundaries of the laws were transgressed. 

Nor would one have thought that, as at other times, 
the mere men and women fled from one town of Italy 
to another in their consternation, but that the very 
towns themselves left their sites, and fled for succor to 
each other. 

The city of Rome was overrun as it were with a 
deluge, by the conflux of people flying in from all the 
neighboring places. Magistrates could no longer govern, 
nor the eloquence of any orator quiet it ; it was all but 
suffering shipwreck by the violence of its own tempes- 
tuous agitation. The most vehement contrary passions 
and impulses were at work everywhere. Nor did those 
who rejoiced at the prospect of the change altogether 

[33° ] 



CAESAR 



conceal their feelings, but when they met, as in so great 
a city they frequently must, with the alarmed and dejected 
of the other party, they provoked quarrels by their bold 
expressions of confidence in the event. 

Pompey, sufficiently disturbed of himself, was yet 
more perplexed by the clamors of others ; some telling 
him that he justly suffered for having armed Caesar 
against himself and the government ; others blaming him 
for permitting Caesar to be insolently used by Lentulus, 
when he made such ample concessions, and offered such 
reasonable proposals towards an accommodation. 

Favonius bade him now stamp upon the ground ; for 
once talking big in the senate, he desired them not to 
trouble themselves about making any preparations for the 
war, for that he himself, with one stamp of his foot, 
would fill all Italy with soldiers. 

Yet still Pompey at that time had more forces than 
Caesar ; but he was not permitted to pursue his own 
thoughts, but being continually disturbed with false re- 
ports and alarms, as if the enemy was close upon him 
and carrying all before him, he gave way, and let himself 
be borne down by the general cry. He put forth an 
edict declaring the city to be in a state of anarchy, and 
left it with orders that the senate should follow him, 
and that no one should stay behind who did not prefer 
tyranny to their country and liberty. 

The consuls at once fled, without making even the 
usual sacrifices ; so did most of the senators, carrying off 
their own goods in as much haste as if they had been 
robbing their neighbors. Some, who had formerly much 

[33i ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



favored Caesar's cause, in the prevailing alarm, quitted 
their own sentiments, and without any prospect of good 
to themselves, were carried along by the common stream. 

It was a melancholy thing to see the city tossed in 
these tumults, like a ship given up by her pilots, and 
left to run, as chance guides her, upon any rock in her 
way. Yet, in spite of their sad condition, people still 
esteemed the place of their exile to be their country for 
Pompey's sake, and fled from Rome, as if it had been 
Caesar's camp. Labienus even, who had been one of 
Caesar's nearest friends, and his lieutenant, and who had 
fought by him zealously in the Gallic wars, now deserted 
him, and went over to Pompey. 

Caesar sent all his money and equipage after him, and 
then sat down before Corfinium, which was garrisoned 
with thirty cohorts under the command of Domitius. 
He, in despair of maintaining the defence, requested 
a physician, whom he had among his attendants, to give 
him poison ; and taking the dose, drank it, in hopes of 
being despatched by it. But soon after, when he was 
told that Caesar showed the utmost clemency towards 
those he took prisoners, he lamented his misfortune, and 
blamed the hastiness of his resolution. 

His physician consoled him, by informing him that he 
had taken a sleeping draught, not a poison ; upon which, 
much rejoiced, and rising from his bed, he went pres- 
ently to Caesar, and gave him the pledge of his hand, 
yet afterwards again went over to Pompey. 

The report of these actions at Rome quieted those who 
were there, and some who had fled thence returned, 

[ 332 ] 



S AR 



Caesar took into his army Domitius's soldiers, as he 
did all those whom he found in any town enlisted for 
Pompey's service. Being now strong and formidable 
enough, he advanced against Pompey himself, who did 
not stay to receive him, but fled to Brundisium, having 
sent the consuls before with a body of troops to Dyrrha- 
chium. Soon after, upon Caesar's approach, he set to 
sea. Caesar would have immediately pursued him, but 
wanted shipping, and therefore went back to Rome, hav- 
ing made himself master of all Italy without bloodshed 
in the space of sixty days. 

When he came thither, he found the city more quiet 
than he expected, and many senators present, to whom he 
addressed himself with courtesy and deference, desiring 
them to send to Pompey about any reasonable accommo- 
dations towards a peace. But nobody complied with this 
proposal ; whether out of fear of Pompey, whom they had 
deserted, or that they thought Caesar did not mean what 
he said, but thought it his interest to talk plausibly. 

Afterwards, when Metellus, the tribune, would have hin- 
dered him from taking money out of the public treasure, 
and adduced some laws against it, Caesar replied, that 
arms and laws had each their own time. " If what I do 
displeases you, leave the place ; war allows no free talk- 
ing. When I have laid down my arms, and made peace, 
come back and make what speeches you please. And 
this," he added, " I tell you in diminution of my own 
just right, as indeed you and all others who have appeared 
against me and are now in my power, may be treated as 
I please." 

[333 ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



Having said this to Metellus, he went to the doors of 
the 4 treasury, and the keys being not to be found, sent 
for smiths to force them open. 

Metellus again making resistance, and some encourag- 
ing him in it, Caesar, in a louder tone, told him he would 
put him to death, if he gave him any further disturbance. 
"And this," said he, " you know, young man, is more 
disagreeable for me to say, than to do." These words 
made Metellus withdraw for fear, and obtained speedy 
execution henceforth for all orders that Caesar gave for 
procuring necessaries for the war. 

He was now proceeding to Spain, with the determina- 
tion of first crushing Afranius and Varro, Pompey's lieu- 
tenants, and making himself master of the armies and 
provinces under them, that he might then more securely 
advance against Pompey, when he had no enemy left 
behind him. In this expedition his person was often in 
danger from ambuscades, and his army by want of pro- 
visions, yet he did not desist from pursuing the enemy, 
provoking them to fight, and hemming them with his 
fortifications, till by main force he made himself master 
of their camps and their forces. Only the generals got 
off, and fled to Pompey. 

When Caesar came back to Rome, Piso, his father-in- 
law, advised him to send men to Pompey, to treat of a 
peace ; but Isauricus, to ingratiate himself with Caesar, 
spoke against it. 

After this, being created dictator by the senate, he called 
home the exiles, and gave back their rights as citizens to 
the children of those who had suffered under Sulla ; he 

[ 334] 



CAESAR 



relieved the debtors by an act remitting some part of the 
interest on their debts, and passed some other measures 
of the same sort, but not many. For within eleven days 
he resigned his dictatorship, and having declared himself 
consul, with Servilius Isauricus, hastened again to the war. 

He marched so fast, that he left all his army behind 
him, except six hundred chosen horse, and five legions, 
with which he put to sea in the very middle of winter, 
and having past the Ionian Sea, took Oricum and Apol- 
lonia, and then sent back the ships to Brundisium, to 
bring over the soldiers who were left behind in the march. 

They, while yet on the march, their bodies now no 
longer in the full vigor of youth, and they themselves 
weary with such a multitude of wars, could not but 
exclaim against Caesar, " When at last, and where, will 
this Caesar let us be quiet? He carries us from place to 
place, and uses us as if we were not to be worn out, and 
had no sense of labor. Even our iron itself is spent by 
blows, and we ought to have some pity on our bucklers 
and breastplates, which have been used so long. Our 
wounds, if nothing else, should make him see that we 
are mortal men, whom he commands, subject to the same 
pains and sufferings as other human beings. The very 
gods themselves cannot force the winter season, or hinder 
the storms in their time ; yet he pushes forward, as if he 
were not pursuing, but flying from an enemy/' 

So they talked as they marched leisurely towards Brun- 
disium. But when they came thither, and found Caesar 
gone off before them, their feelings changed, and they 
blamed themselves as traitors to their general. They now 

[ 335 ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



railed at their officers for marching so slowly, and placing 
themselves on the heights overlooking the sea towards 
Epirus, they kept watch to see if they could espy the 
vessels which were to transport them to Csesar. 

He in the mean time was posted in Apollonia, but had 
not an army with him able to fight the enemy, the forces 
from Brundisium being so long in coming, which put him 
to great suspense and embarrassment what to do. 

At last he resolved upon a most hazardous experiment, 
and embarked without any one's knowledge, in a boat of 
twelve oars, to cross over to Brundisium, though the sea 
was at that time covered with a vast fleet of the enemies. 
He got on board in the nighttime, in the dress of a 
slave, and throwing himself down like a person of no 
consequence, lay along at the bottom of the vessel. 

The river Anius was to carry them down to sea, 
and there used to blow a gentle gale every morning from 
the land, which made it calm at the mouth of the river, 
by driving the waves forward ; but this night there had 
blown a strong wind from the sea, which overpowered 
that from the land, so that where the river met the influx 
of the sea water and the opposition of the waves, it was 
extremely rough and angry ; and the current was beaten 
back with such a violent swell, that the master of the 
boat could not make good his passage, but ordered his 
sailors to tack about and return. 

Csesar, upon this, discovers himself, and taking the 
man by the hand, who was surprised to see him there, 
said, "Go on, my friend, and fear nothing; you carry 
Caesar and his fortune in your boat." 

[336] 



C^SAR 



The mariners, when they heard that, forgot the storm, 
and laying all their strength to their oars, did what they 
could to force their way down the river. But when it was 
to no purpose, and the vessel now took in much water, 
Caesar finding himself in such danger in the very mouth 
of the river, much against his will permitted the master 
to turn back. 

When he was come to land, his soldiers ran to him in 
a multitude, reproaching him for what he had done, and 
indignant that he should think himself not strong enough 
to get a victory by their sole assistance, but must disturb 
himself, and expose his life for those who were absent, 
as if he could not trust those who were with him. 

After this, Antony came over with the forces from 
Brundisium, which encouraged Caesar to give Pompey 
battle, though he was encamped very advantageously, and 
furnished with plenty of provisions both by sea and land, 
whilst he himself was at the beginning but ill supplied, 
and before the end was extremely pinched for want of 
necessaries, so that his soldiers were forced to dig up a 
kind of root which grew there, and tempering it with milk, 
to feed on it. Sometimes they made a kind of bread of it, 
and advancing up to the enemy's outposts, would throw in 
these loaves, telling them, that as long as the earth produced 
such roots they would not give up blockading Pompey. 

But Pompey took what care he could that neither the 
loaves nor the words should reach his men, who were out 
of heart and despondent, through terror at the fierceness 
and hardiness of their enemies, whom they looked upon 
as a sort of wild beasts. 

[ 337 ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



There were continual skirmishes about Pompey's out- 
works, in all which Caesar had the better, except one, 
when his men were forced to fly in such a manner that 
he had like to have lost his camp. For Pompey made 
such a vigorous sally on them that not a man stood his 
ground ; the trenches were filled with the slaughter, many 
fell upon their own ramparts and bulwarks, whither they 
were driven in flight by the enemy. 

Caesar met them, and would have turned them back, 
but could not. When he went to lay hold of the ensigns, 
those who carried them threw them down, so that the 
enemies took thirty-two of them. He himself narrowly 
escaped ; for taking hold of one of his soldiers, a big and 
strong man, that was flying by him, he bade him stand 
and face about ; but the fellow, full of apprehensions 
from the danger he was in, laid hold of his sword, as if 
he would strike Caesar, but Caesar's armor-bearer cut off 
his arm. 

Caesar's affairs were so desperate at that time, that 
when Pompey, either through overcautiousness, or his ill 
fortune, did not give the finishing stroke to that great 
success, but retreated after he had driven the routed 
enemy within their camp, Caesar, upon seeing his with- 
drawal, said to his friends, rt The victory to-day had been 
on the enemies' side, if they had had a general who knew 
how to gain it." 

When he was retired into his tent, he laid himself 
down to sleep, but spent that night as miserably as ever 
he did any, in perplexity and consideration with himself, 
coming to the conclusion that he had conducted the war 

[338] 



C^SAR 



amiss. For when he had a fertile country before him, 
and all the wealthy cities of Macedonia and Thessaly, he 
had neglected to carry the war thither, and had sat down 
by the seaside, where his enemies had such a powerful 
fleet, so that he was in fact rather besieged by the want 
of necessaries, than besieging others with his arms. 

Being thus distracted in his thoughts with the view of 
the difficulty and distress he was in, he raised his camp, 
with the intention of advancing towards Scipio, who lay 
in Macedonia ; hoping either to entice Pompey into a 
country where he should fight without the advantage he 
now had of supplies from the sea, or to overpower Scipio, 
if not assisted. 

This set all Pompey' s army and officers on fire to 
hasten and pursue Caesar, whom they concluded to be 
beaten and flying. 

But Pompey was afraid to hazard a battle on which so 
much depended, and being himself provided with all 
necessaries for any length of time, thought to tire out 
and waste the vigor of Caesar's army, which could not 
last long. For the best part of his men, though they 
had great experience, and showed an irresistible courage 
in all engagements, yet by their frequent marches, chang- 
ing their camps, attacking fortifications, and keeping long 
night watches, were getting worn out and broken ; they 
being now old, their bodies less fit for labor, and their 
courage, also, beginning to give way with the failure of 
their strength. 

Besides, it was said that an infectious disease, occa- 
sioned by their irregular diet, was prevailing in Caesar's 

[339 ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



army, and what was of greatest moment, he was neither 
furnished with money nor provisions, so that in a little 
time he must needs fall of himself. 

For these reasons Pompey had no mind to fight him, 
but was thanked for it by none but Cato, who rejoiced at 
the prospect of sparing his fellow citizens. For he when 
he saw the dead bodies of those who had fallen in the 
last battle on Caesar's side, to the number of a thousand, 
turned away, covered his face, and shed tears. But every 
one else upbraided Pompey for being reluctant to fight, 
and tried to goad him on by such nicknames as Agamem- 
non, and king of kings, as if he were in no hurry to lay 
down his sovereign authority, but was pleased to see so 
many commanders attending on him, and paying their 
attendance at his tent. 

Favonius, who affected Cato's free way of speaking his 
mind, complained bitterly that they should eat no figs 
even this year at Tusculum, because of Pompey's love of 
command. Afranius, who was lately returned out of Spain, 
and on account of his ill success there, labored under the 
suspicion of having been bribed to betray the army, asked 
why they did not fight this purchaser of provinces. 

Pompey was driven, against his own will, by this kind 
of language, into offering battle, and proceeded to follow 
Caesar. 

Caesar had found great difficulties in his march, for no 
country would supply him with provisions, his reputation 
being very much fallen since his late defeat. But after 
he took Gomphi, a town of Thessaly, he not only found 
provisions for his army, but physic too. For there they 

[34o] 



C^SAR 



met with plenty of wine, which they took very freely, 
and heated with this, sporting and reveling on their 
march in bacchanalian fashion, they shook off the disease, 
and their whole constitution was relieved and changed 
into another habit. 

When the two armies were come into Pharsalia, and 
both encamped there, Pompey's thoughts ran the same 
way as they had done before, against fighting, and the 
more because of some unlucky presages, and a vision he 
had in a dream. But those who were about him were so 
confident of success, that Domitius, and Spinther, and 
Scipio, as if they had already conquered, quarreled which 
should succeed Caesar in the pontificate. And many sent 
to Rome to take houses fit to accommodate consuls and 
praetors, as being sure of entering upon those offices, as 
soon as the battle was over. 

The cavalry especially were obstinate for fighting, be- 
ing splendidly armed and bravely mounted, and valuing 
themselves upon the fine horses they kept, and upon 
their own handsome persons ; as also upon the advantage 
of their numbers, for they were five thousand against 
one thousand of Caesar's. Nor were the numbers of the 
infantry less disproportionate, there being forty-five thou- 
sand of Pompey's, against twenty-two thousand of the 
enemy. 

Caesar, collecting his soldiers together, told them that 
Cornificius was coming up to them with two legions, and 
that fifteen cohorts more under Calenus were posted at 
Megara and Athens ; he then asked them whether they 
would stay till these joined them, or would hazard the 

[341] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



battle by themselves. They all cried out to him not to 
wait, but on the contrary to do whatever he could to 
bring about an engagement as soon as possible. 

When he sacrificed to the gods for the lustration of 
his army, upon the death of the first victim, the augur 
told him, within three days he should come to a decisive 
action. 

Caesar asked him whether he saw anything in the 
entrails, which promised an happy event. 

"That," said the priest, "you can best answer your- 
self ; for the gods signify a great alteration from the 
present posture of affairs. If, therefore, you think your- 
self well off now, expect worse fortune ; if unhappy, hope 
for better." 

The night before the battle, as he walked the rounds 
about midnight, there was a light seen in the heaven, 
very bright and flaming, which seemed to pass over 
Caesar's camp, and fall into Pompey's. And when Caesar's 
soldiers came to relieve the watch in the morning, they 
perceived a panic disorder among the enemies. How- 
ever, he did not expect to fight that day, but set about 
raising his camp with the intention of marching towards 
Scotussa. 

But when the tents were now taken down, his scouts 
rode up to him, and told him the enemy would give him 
battle. 

With this news he was extremely pleased, and hav- 
ing performed his devotions to the gods, set his army 
in battle array, dividing them into three bodies. Over 
the middlemost he placed Domitius Calvinus ; Antony 

[ 342 ] 



C^SAR 



commanded the left wing, and he himself the right, 
being resolved to fight at the head of the tenth legion. 

But when he saw the enemies' cavalry taking position 
against him, being struck with their fine appearance and 
their number, he gave private orders that six cohorts 
from the rear of the army should come round and join 
him, whom he posted behind the right wing, and in- 
structed them what they should do, when the enemy's 
horse came to charge. 

On the other side, Pompey commanded the right wing, 
Domitius the left, and Scipio, Pompey's father-in-law, the 
center. The whole weight of the cavalry was collected 
on the left wing, with the intent that they should outflank 
the right wing of the enemy, and rout that part where 
the general himself commanded. For they thought no 
phalanx of infantry could be solid enough to sustain such 
a shock, but that they must necessarily be broken and 
shattered all to pieces upon the onset of so immense a 
force of cavalry. 

When they were ready on both sides to give the signal 
for battle, Pompey commanded his foot who were in the 
front, to stand their ground, and without breaking their 
order, receive quietly the enemy's first attack, till they 
came within javelin's cast. 

Caesar, in this respect, also, blames Pompey's general- 
ship, as if he had not been aware how the first encounter, 
when made with an impetus and upon the run, gives 
weight and force to the strokes, and fires the men's 
spirits into a flame, which the general concurrence fans 
to full heat. 

[343 ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



He himself was just putting the troops into motion 
and advancing to the action, when he found one of his 
captains, a trusty and experienced soldier, encouraging 
his men to exert their utmost. Caesar called him by his 
name, and said, "What hopes, Gaius Crassinius, and 
what grounds for encouragement?" 

Crassinius stretched out his hand, and cried in a loud 
voice, "We shall conquer nobly, Caesar; and I this day 
will deserve your praises, either alive or dead." 

So he said, and was the first man to run in upon the 
enemy, followed by the hundred and twenty soldiers 
about him, and breaking through the first rank, still 
pressed on forwards with much slaughter of the enemy, 
till at last he was struck back by the wound of a sword, 
which went in at his mouth with such force that it came 
out at his neck behind. 

Whilst the foot was thus sharply engaged in the main 
battle, on the flank Pompey's horse rode up confidently, 
and opened their ranks very wide, that they might sur- 
round the right wing of Caesar. But before they en- 
gaged, Caesar's cohorts rushed out and attacked them, 
and did not dart their javelins at a distance, nor strike 
at the thighs and legs, as they usually did in close battle, 
but aimed at their faces. For thus Caesar had instructed 
them, in hopes that young gentlemen, who had not 
known much of battles and wounds, but came wearing 
their hair long, in the flower of their age and height of 
their beauty, would be more apprehensive of such blows, 
and not care for hazarding both a danger at present and 
a blemish for the future. 

[344] 



CAESAR 



And so it proved, for they were so far from bearing 
the stroke of the javelins, that they could not stand the 
sight of them, but turned about, and covered their faces 
to secure them. Once in disorder, presently they turned 
about to fly ; and so most shamefully ruined all. For 
those who had beat them back, at once outflanked the 
infantry, and falling on their rear, cut them to pieces. 

Pompey, who commanded the other wing of the army, 
when he saw his cavalry thus broken and flying, was no 
longer himself, nor did he now remember that he was 
Pompey the Great, but like one whom some god had 
deprived of his senses, retired to his tent without speak- 
ing a word, and there sat to expect the event, till the 
whole army was routed, and the enemy appeared upon 
the works which were thrown up before the camp, 
where they closely engaged with his men, who were 
posted there to defend it. 

Then first he seemed to have recovered his senses, 
and uttering, it is said, only these words, "What, into 
the camp too?" he laid aside his general's habit, and 
putting on such clothes as might best favor his flight, 
stole off. What fortune he met with afterwards, how 
he took shelter in Egypt, and was murdered there, we 
tell you in his Life. 

Caesar, when he came to view Pompey's camp, and 
saw some of his opponents dead upon the ground, 
others dying, said, with a groan, " This they would 
have ; they brought me to this necessity. I, Gaius 
Caesar, after succeeding in so many wars, had been 
condemned, had I dismissed my army." 

[ 345 ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



These words, Pollio says, Caesar spoke in Latin at 
that time, and that he himself wrote them in Greek ; 
adding, that those who were killed at the taking of the 
camp, were most of them servants ; and that not above 
six thousand soldiers fell. 

Caesar incorporated most of the foot whom he took 
prisoners, with his own legions, and gave a free pardon 
to many of the distinguished persons, and amongst the 
rest, to Brutus, who afterwards killed him. He did not 
immediately appear after the battle was over, which put 
Caesar, it is said, into great anxiety for him ; nor was 
his pleasure less when he saw him present himself alive. 

Caesar, as a memorial of his victory, gave the Thessa- 
lians their freedom, and then went in pursuit of Pompey. 
When he was come into Asia, to gratify Theopompus, 
the author of the collection of fables, he enfranchised 
the Cnidians, and remitted one third of their tribute to 
all the people of the province of Asia. 

When he came to Alexandria, where Pompey was 
already murdered, he would not look upon Theodotus, 
who presented him with his head, but taking only his 
signet, shed tears. Those of Pompey's friends who 
had been arrested by the king of Egypt, as they were 
wandering in those parts, he relieved, and offered them 
his own friendship. In his letter to his friends at Rome, 
he told them that the greatest and most signal pleasure 
his victory had given him, was to be able continually 
to save the lives of fellow citizens who had fought 
against him. 

As to the war in Egypt, some say it was at once 

[346] 



CJES AR 



dangerous, and dishonorable, and noways necessary, but 
occasioned only by his passion for Cleopatra. 

Others blame the ministers of the king, and especially 
Pothinus, who was the chief favorite, and had lately 
killed Pompey, who had banished Cleopatra, and was 
now secretly plotting Caesar's destruction (to prevent 
which, Caesar from that time began to sit up whole 
nights, under pretence of drinking, for the security of 
his person), while openly he was intolerable in his 
affronts to Caesar, both by his words and actions. For 
when Caesar's soldiers had musty and unwholesome corn 
measured out to them, Pothinus told them they must be 
content with it, since they were fed at another's cost. 

He ordered that his table should be served with 
wooden and earthen dishes, and said Caesar had carried 
off all the gold and silver plate, under pretence of arrears 
of debt. For the present king's father owed Caesar one 
thousand seven hundred and fifty myriads of money ; 
Caesar had formerly remitted to his children the rest, 
but thought fit to demand the thousand myriads at that 
time, to maintain his army. 

Pothinus told him that he had better go now and 
attend to his other affairs of greater consequence, and 
that he should receive his money at another time with 
thanks. Caesar replied that he did not want Egyptians 
to be his counselors, and soon after privately sent for 
Cleopatra from her retirement. 

She took a small boat, and one only of her confidants, 
Apollodorus, the Sicilian, along with her, and in the dusk 
of the evening landed near the palace. She was at a loss 

[ 347 ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



how to get in undiscovered, till she thought of putting 
herself into the coverlet of a bed and lying at length, 
whilst Apollodorus tied up the bedding and carried it 
on his back through the gates to Caesar's apartment. 

Caesar was first captivated by this proof of Cleopatra's 
bold wit, and was afterwards so overcome by the charm 
of her society, that he made a reconciliation between her 
and her brother, on condition that she should rule as his 
colleague in the kingdom. 

A festival was kept to celebrate this reconciliation, 
where Caesar's barber, a busy, listening fellow, whose 
excessive timidity made him inquisitive into everything, 
discovered that there was a plot carrying on against 
Caesar by Achillas, general of the king's forces, and 
Pothinus. Caesar, upon the first intelligence of it, set 
a guard upon the hall where the feast was kept, and 
killed Pothinus. Achillas escaped to the army, and raised 
a troublesome and embarrassing war against Caesar, which 
it was not easy for him to manage with his few soldiers 
against so powerful a city and so large an army. 

The first difficulty he met with was want of water, for 
the enemies had turned the canals. Another was, when 
the enemy endeavored to cut off his communication by sea, 
he was forced to divert that danger by setting fire to his 
own ships, which, after burning the docks, thence spread 
on and destroyed the great library. A third was, when in 
an engagement near Pharos, he leaped from the mole into 
a small boat to assist his soldiers who were in danger, and 
when the Egyptians pressed him on every side, he threw 
himself into the sea, and with much difficulty swam off. 

[348] 



C M S A R 



This was the time when, according to the story, he 
had a number of manuscripts in his hand, which, though 
he was continually darted at, and forced to keep his head 
often under water, yet he did not let go, but held them 
up safe from wetting in one hand, whilst he swam with 
the other. His boat, in the mean time, was quickly sunk. 

At last, the king having gone off to Achillas and his 
party, Caesar engaged and conquered them. Many fell 
in that battle, and the king himself was never seen after. 
Upon this, he left Cleopatra queen of Egypt, and then 
departed for Syria. 

Thence he passed to Asia, where he heard that Domi- 
tius was beaten by Pharnaces, son of Mithridates, and 
had fled out of Pontus with a handful of men ; and that 
Pharnaces pursued the victory so eagerly, that though 
he was already master of Bithynia and Cappadocia, he 
had a further design of attempting the Lesser Armenia, 
and was inviting all the kings and tetrarchs there to rise. 

Caesar immediately marched against him with three 
legions, fought him near Zela, drove him out of Pontus, 
and totally defeated his army. When he gave Amantius, 
a friend of his at Rome, an account of this action, to 
express the promptness and rapidity of it, he used three 
words, I came, saw, and conquered, which in Latin 
having all the same cadence, carry with them a very 
suitable air of brevity. 

Hence he crossed into Italy, and came to Rome at the 
end of that year, for which he had been a second time 
chosen dictator, though that office had never before lasted 
a whole year, and was elected consul for the next. 

[ 349 ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 

He was ill spoken of, because upon a mutiny of some 
soldiers, who killed Cosconius and Galba, who had been 
praetors, he gave them only the slight reprimand of calling 
them citizens instead of fellow soldiers, and afterwards 
assigned to each man a thousand drachmas, besides a 
share of lands in Italy. He was also reflected on for Dola- 
bella's extravagance, Amantius's covetousness, Antony's 
debauchery, and Cornificius's profuseness, who pulled 
down Pompey's house, and rebuilt it, as not magnificent 
enough ; for the Romans were much displeased with all 
these. But Caesar, for the prosecution of his own scheme 
of government, though he knew their characters and 
disapproved them, was forced to make use of those 
who would serve him. 

After the battle of Pharsalia, Cato and Scipio fled into 
Africa, and there, with the assistance of king Juba, got 
together a considerable force, which Caesar resolved to 
engage. He, accordingly, passed into Sicily about the 
winter solstice, and to remove from his officers' minds 
all hopes of delay there, encamped by the seashore, and 
as soon as ever he had a fair wind, put to sea with three 
thousand foot and a few horse. When he had landed 
them, he went back secretly, under some apprehensions 
for the larger part of his army, but met them upon the 
sea, and brought them all to the same camp. 

There he was informed that the enemies relied much 
upon an ancient oracle, that the family of the Scipios 
should be always victorious in Africa. There was in his 
army a man, otherwise mean and contemptible, but of the 
house of the Africani, and his name Scipio Salutio. This 

[35°] 



CAESAR 



man Caesar (whether in raillery, to ridicule Scipio, who 
commanded the enemy, or seriously to bring over the 
omen to his side, it were hard to say) put at the head 
of his troops, as if he were general in all the frequent 
battles which he was compelled to fight. For he was in 
such want both of victualing for his men, and forage for 
his horses, that he was forced to feed the horses with 
seaweed, which he washed thoroughly to take off its 
saltness, and mixed with a little grass, to give it a more 
agreeable taste. 

The Numidians, in great numbers, and well horsed, 
whenever he went, came up and commanded the country. 
Caesar's cavalry, being one day unemployed, diverted 
themselves with seeing an African, who entertained them 
with dancing and at the same time playing upon the pipe 
to admiration. They were so taken with this, that they 
alighted, and gave their horses to some boys, when on a 
sudden the enemy surrounded them, killed some, pursued 
the rest, and fell in with them into their camp ; and had 
not Caesar himself and Asinius Pollio come to their assist- 
ance, and put a stop to their flight, the war had been 
then at an end. 

In another engagement, also, the enemy had again the 
better, when Caesar, it is said, seized a standard bearer, 
who was running away, by the neck, and forcing him to 
face about, said, " Look, that is the way to the enemy. " 

Scipio, flushed with this success at first, had a mind to 
come to one decisive action. He therefore left Afranius 
and Juba in two distinct bodies not far distant, and 
marched himself towards Thapsus, where he proceeded 

[3Si] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



to build a fortified camp above a lake, to serve as a center 
point for their operations, and also as a place of refuge. 

Whilst Scipio was thus employed, Caesar with incredible 
despatch made his way through thick woods, and a country 
supposed to be impassable, cut off one party of the enemy, 
and attacked another in the front. Having routed these, 
he followed up his opportunity and the current of his 
good fortune, and on the first onset carried Afranius's 
camp, and ravaged that of the Numidians, Juba, their 
king, being glad to save himself by flight ; so that in a 
small part of a single day he made himself master of 
three camps, and killed fifty thousand of the enemy, with 
the loss only of fifty of his own men. 

This is the account some give of that fight. Ochers 
say, he was not in the action, but that he was taken with 
his usual distemper just as he was setting his army in 
order. He perceived the approaches of it, and before it 
had too far disordered his senses, when he was already 
beginning to shake under its influence, withdrew into a 
neighboring fort, where he reposed himself. 

Of the men of consular and praetorian dignity that 
were taken after the fight, several Caesar put to death, 
others anticipated him by killing themselves. 

Cato had undertaken to defend ,Utica, and for that 
reason was not in the battle. The desire which Caesar 
had to take him alive, made him hasten thither ; and upon 
the intelligence that he had despatched himself, he was 
much discomposed, for what reason is not so well agreed. 
He certainly said, " Cato, I must grudge you your death, 
as you grudged me the honor of saving your life." 

[ 35 2 ] 



CJESAR 



Yet the discourse he wrote against Cato after his death, 
is no great sign of his kindness, or that he was inclined 
to be reconciled to him. For how is it probable that he 
would have been tender of his life, when he was so bitter 
against his memory ? But from his clemency to Cicero, 
Brutus, and many others who fought against him, it may 
be divined that Caesar's book was not written so much 
out of animosity to Cato, as in his own vindication. 

Cicero had written an encomium upon Cato, and called 
it by his name. A composition by so great a master upon 
so excellent a subject, was sure to be in every one's hands. 
This touched Caesar, who looked upon a panegyric on his 
enemy, as no better than an invective against himself ; 
and therefore he made in his Anti-Cato, a collection of 
whatever could be said in his derogation. The two com- 
positions, like Cato and Caesar themselves, have each of 
them their several admirers. 

Caesar, upon his return to Rome, did not omit to pro- 
nounce before the people a magnificent account of his vic- 
tory, telling them that he had subdued a country which 
would supply the public every year with two hundred 
thousand Attic bushels of corn, and three million pounds 
weight of oil. He then led three triumphs for Egypt, 
Pontus, and Africa, the last for the victory over, not 
Scipio, but king Juba, as it was professed, whose little 
son was then carried in the triumph, the happiest captive 
that ever was, who of a barbarian Numidian, came by 
this means to obtain a place among the most learned 
historians of Greece. 

After the triumphs, he distributed rewards to his 

[353 ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



soldiers, and treated the people with feasting and shows. 
He entertained the whole people together at one feast, 
where twenty-two thousand dining couches were laid out; 
and he made a display of gladiators, and of battles by 
sea, in honor, as he said, of his daughter Julia, though 
she had been long since dead. 

When these shows were over, an account was taken of 
the people, who from three hundred and twenty thousand, 
were now reduced to one hundred and fifty thousand. So 
great a waste had the civil war made in Rome alone, not 
to mention what the other parts of Italy and the provinces 
suffered. 

He was now chosen a fourth time consul, and went into 
Spain against Pompey's sons. They were but young, yet 
had gathered together a very numerous army, and showed 
they had courage and conduct to command it, so that 
Caesar was in extreme danger. The great battle was near 
the town of Munda, in which Caesar seeing his men hard 
pressed, and making but a weak resistance, ran through 
the ranks among the soldiers, and crying out, asked them 
whether they were not ashamed to deliver him into the 
hands of boys. 

At last, with great difficulty, and the best efforts he 
could make, he forced back the enemy, killing thirty 
thousand of them, though with the loss of one thousand 
of his best men. When he came back from the fight, he 
told his friends that he had often fought for victory, but 
this was the first time that he had ever fought for life. 

This battle was won on the feast of Bacchus, the very 
day in which Pompey, four years before, had set out for 

[354] 



CAESAR 



the war. The younger of Pompey's sons escaped ; but 
Didius, some days after the fight, brought the head of 
the elder to Caesar. 

This was the last war he was engaged in. 

The triumph which he celebrated for this victory, dis- 
pleased the Romans beyond anything. For he had not 
defeated foreign generals, or barbarian kings, but had 
destroyed the children and family of one of the greatest 
men of Rome, though unfortunate ; and it did not look 
well to lead a procession in celebration of the calamities 
of his country, and to rejoice in those things for which no 
other apology could be made either to gods or men, than 
their being absolutely necessary. Besides that, hitherto 
he had never sent letters or messengers to announce any 
victory over his fellow citizens, but had seemed rather to 
be ashamed of the action, than to expect honor from it. 

Nevertheless his countrymen, conceding all to his for- 
tune, and accepting the bit, in the hope that the govern- 
ment of a single person would give them time to breathe 
after so many civil wars and calamities, made him dictator 
for life. This was indeed a tyranny avowed, since his 
power now was not only absolute, but perpetual too. 

Cicero made the first proposals to the senate for con- 
ferring honors upon him, which might in some sort be 
said not to exceed the limits of ordinary human modera- 
tion. But others, striving which should deserve most, 
carried them so excessively high, that they made Caesar 
odious to the most indifferent and moderate sort of men, 
by the pretension and the extravagance of the titles which 
they decreed him. 

[ 355 ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



His enemies, too, are thought to have had some share 
in this, as well as his flatterers. It gave them advantage 
against him, and would be their justification for any 
attempt they should make upon him ; for since the civil 
wars were ended, he had nothing else that he could be 
charged with. And they had good reason to decree a 
temple to Clemency, in token of their thanks for the 
mild use he made of his victory. For he not only par- 
doned many of those who fought against him, but, fur- 
ther, to some gave honors and offices ; as particularly to 
Brutus and Cassius, who both of them were praetors. 
Pompey's images that were thrown down, he set up again, 
upon which Cicero also said that by raising Pompey's 
statues he had fixed his own. 

When his friends advised him to have a guard, and 
several offered their service, he would not hear of it ; 
but said it was better to suffer death once, than always 
to live in fear of it. He looked upon the affections of 
the people to be the best and surest guard, and enter- 
tained them again with public feasting, and general dis- 
tributions of corn ; and to gratify his army, he sent out 
colonies to several places, of which the most remarkable 
were Carthage and Corinth ; which, as before they had 
been ruined at the same time, so now were restored and 
repeopled together. 

As for the men of high rank, he promised to some of 
them future consulships and praetorships, some he con- 
soled with other offices and honors, and to all held out 
hopes of favor by the solicitude he showed to rule with 
the general good will ; insomuch that upon the death of 

[356] 



CESAR 



Maximus one day before his consulship was ended, he 
made Caninius Rebilus consul for that day. And when 
many went to pay the usual compliments and attentions 
to the new consul, " Let us make haste," said Cicero, 
" lest the man be gone out of his office before we come." 

Caesar was born to do great things, and had a passion 
after honor, and the many noble exploits he had done 
did not now serve as an inducement to him to sit still 
and reap the fruit of his past labors, but were incentives 
and encouragements to go on, and raised in him ideas of 
still greater actions, and a desire of new glory, as if the 
present were all spent. It was in fact a sort of emulous 
struggle with himself, as it had been with another, how 
he might outdo his past actions by his future. 

In pursuit of these thoughts, he resolved to make war 
upon the Parthians, and when he had subdued them, to 
pass through Hyrcania ; thence to march along by the 
Caspian Sea to Mount Caucasus, and so on about Pontus, 
till he came into Scythia ; then to overrun all the coun- 
tries bordering upon Germany, and Germany itself ; and 
so to return through Gaul into Italy, after completing the 
whole circle of his intended empire, and bounding it on 
every side by the ocean. 

While preparations were making for this expedition, 
he proposed to dig through the isthmus on which Corinth 
stands ; and appointed Anienus to superintend the work. 
He had also a design of diverting the Tiber, and carry- 
ing it by a deep channel directly from Rome to Circeii, 
and so into the sea near Tarracina, that there might be 
a safe and easy passage for all merchants who traded to 

[ 357 ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



Rome. Besides this, he intended to drain all the marshes 
by Pometia and Setia, and gain ground enough from the 
water to employ many thousands of men in tillage. He 
proposed further to make great mounds on the shore 
nearest Rome, to hinder the sea from breaking in upon 
the land, to clear the coast of Ostia of all the hidden 
rocks and shoals that made it unsafe for shipping, and 
to form ports and harbors fit to receive the large number 
of vessels that would frequent them. 

These things were designed without being carried into 
effect ; but his reformation of the calendar, to rectify the 
irregularity of time, was not only projected with great 
scientific ingenuity, but was brought to its completion, 
and proved of very great use. Yet even this gave offence 
to those who looked with an evil eye on his position, 
and felt oppressed by his power. Cicero, the orator, 
when some one in his company chanced to say, the next 
morning Lyra would rise, replied, " Yes, in accordance with 
the edict," as if even this were a matter of compulsion. 

But that which brought upon him the most apparent 
-~and mortal hatred, was his desire of being king ; which 
gave the common people the first occasion to quarrel with 
him, and proved the most specious pretence to those who 
had been his secret enemies all along. Those who would 
have procured him that title, gave it out, that it was fore- 
told in the sibyls' books that the Romans should conquer 
the Parthians when they fought against them under the 
conduct of a king, but not before. 

And one day, as Caesar was coming down from Alba 
to Rome, some were so bold as to salute him by the name 

[358] 



CJES AR 



of king ; but he finding the people disrelish it, seemed to 
resent it himself, and said his name was Caesar, not king. 
Upon this, there was a general silence, and he passed 
on looking not very well pleased or contented. 

Another time, when the senate had conferred on him 
some extravagant honors, he chanced to receive the mes- 
sage as he was sitting on the rostra, where, though the 
consuls and praetors themselves waited on him, attended 
by the whole body of the senate, he did not rise, but 
behaved himself to them as if they had been private men, 
and told them his honors wanted rather to be retrenched 
than increased. This treatment offended not only the 
senate, but the commonalty too, as if they thought the 
affront upon the senate equally reflected upon the whole 
republic ; so that all who could decently leave him went 
off, looking much discomposed. 

Caesar, perceiving the false step he had made, imme- 
diately retired home ; and laying his throat bare, told his 
friends that he was ready to offer this to any one who 
would give the stroke. But afterwards he made the 
malady from which he suffered, the excuse for his sitting, 
saying that those who are attacked by it, lose their pres- 
ence of mind, if they talk much standing ; that they pres- 
ently grow giddy, fall into convulsions, and quite lose 
their reason. But this was not the reality, for he would 
willingly have stood up to the senate, had not Cornelius 
Balbus, one of his friends, or rather flatterers, hindered 
him. " Will you not remember/' said he, "you are Caesar, 
and claim the honor which is due to your merit ? " 

He gave a fresh occasion of resentment by his affront 

[ 359 ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 

to the tribunes. The Lupercalia were then celebrated, a 
feast at the first institution belonging, as some writers 
say, to the shepherds, and having some connection with 
the Arcadian Lycaea. Many young noblemen and magis- 
trates run up and down the city with their upper garments 
off, striking all they meet with thongs of hide, by way of 
sport ; and many women, even of the highest rank, place 
themselves in the way, and hold out their hands to the 
lash, as boys in the school do to the master. Caesar, 
dressed in a triumphal robe, seated himself in a golden 
chair on the rostra, to view this ceremony. Antony, as 
consul, was one of those who ran this course, and when 
he came into the Forum, and the people made way for 
him, he went up and reached to Caesar a diadem wreathed 
with laurel. Upon this, there was a shout, but only a 
slight one, made by the few who were planted there for 
that purpose ; but when Caesar refused it, there was uni- 
versal applause. Upon the second offer, very few, and 
upon the second refusal, all again applauded. Caesar find- 
ing it would not take, rose up, and ordered the crown to 
be carried into the Capitol. Caesar's statues were after- 
wards found with royal diadems on their heads. Flavius 
and Marullus, two tribunes of the people, went presently 
and pulled them off, and having apprehended those who 
first saluted Caesar as king, committed them to prison. 
The people followed them with acclamations, and called 
them by the name of Brutus, because Brutus was the first 
who ended the succession of kings, and transferred the 
power which before was lodged in one man into the hands 
of the senate and people. Caesar so far resented this, 

[360] 



CAESAR 



that he displaced Marullus and Flavius ; and in urging 
his charges against them, at the same time ridiculed the 
people, by himself giving the men more than once the 
names of Bruti and Cumaei. 

This made the multitude turn their thoughts to Marcus 
Brutus, who, by his father's side, was thought to be de- 
scended from that first Brutus, and by his mother's side, 
from the Servilii, another noble family, being besides 
nephew and son-in-law to Cato. But the honors and 
favors he had received from Caesar, took off the edge 
from the desires he might himself have felt for over- 
throwing the new monarchy. For he had not only been 
pardoned himself after Pompey's defeat at Pharsalia, and 
had procured the same grace for many of his friends, 
but was one in whom Caesar had a particular confidence. 
He had at that time the most honorable praetorship of 
the year, and was named for the consulship four years 
after, being preferred before Cassius, his competitor. 

Upon the question as to the choice, Caesar, it is re- 
lated, said that Cassius had the fairer pretensions, but 
that he could not pass by Brutus. Nor would he after- 
wards listen to some who spoke against Brutus, when the 
conspiracy against him was already afoot, but laying his 
hand on his body, said to the informers, " Brutus will 
wait for this skin of mine," intimating that he was 
worthy to bear rule on account of his virtue, but would 
not be base and ungrateful to gain it. 

Those who desired a change, and looked on Brutus as 
the only, or at least the most proper, person to effect it, 
did not venture to speak with him ; but in the nighttime 

[361] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



laid papers about his chair of state, where he used to 
sit and determine causes, with such sentences in them 
as, "You are asleep, Brutus," "You are no longer 
Brutus." 

Cassius, when he perceived his ambition a little raised 
upon this, was more instant than before to work him yet 
further, having himself a private grudge against Caesar, 
for some reasons that we have mentioned in the Life of 
Brutus. Nor was Caesar without suspicions of him, and 
said once to his friends, "What do you think Cassius is 
aiming at ? I don't like him, he looks so pale." And 
when it was told him that Antony and Dolabella were in 
a plot against him, he said he did not fear such fat, 
luxurious men, but rather the pale, lean fellows, meaning 
Cassius and Brutus. 

Fate, however, is to all appearance more unavoidable 
than unexpected. For many strange prodigies and ap- 
paritions are said to have been observed shortly before 
the event. As to the lights in the heavens, the noises 
heard in the night, and the wild birds which perched in 
the Forum, these are not perhaps worth taking notice of 
in so great a case as this. 

Strabo, the philosopher, tells us that a number of men 
were seen, looking as if they were heated through with 
fire, contending with each other ; that a quantity of flame 
issued from the hand of a soldier's servant, so that they 
who saw it thought he must be burnt, but that after all 
he had no hurt. As Caesar was sacrificing, the victim's 
heart was missing, a very bad omen, because no living 
creature can subsist without a heart. 

[362] 



C^SAR 



One finds it also related by many, that a soothsayer 
bade him prepare for some great danger on the ides of 
March. When the day was come, Caesar, as he went 
to the senate, met this soothsayer, and said to him by 
way of raillery, "The ides of March are come"; who 
answered him calmly, " Yes, they are come, but they are 
not passed." 

The day before this assassination, he supped with 
Marcus Lepidus ; and as he was signing some letters, 
according to his custom, as he reclined at table, there 
arose a question what sort of death was best. At which 
he immediately, before any one could speak, said, " A 
sudden one." 

After this, when he was in bed, all the doors and win- 
dows of the house flew open together ; he was startled 
at the noise, and the light which broke into the room, 
and sat up in his bed, where by the moonshine he per- 
ceived his wife, Calpurnia, fast asleep, but heard her 
utter in her dream some indistinct words and inarticulate 
groans. She fancied at that time she was weeping over 
Caesar, and holding him butchered in her arms. Others 
say this was not her dream, but that she dreamed that a 
pinnacle which the senate, as Livy relates, had ordered 
to be raised on Caesar's house by way of ornament and 
grandeur, was tumbling down, which was the occasion 
of her tears and ejaculations. 

When it was day, she begged of Caesar, if it were 
possible, not to stir out, but to adjourn the senate to 
another time ; and if he slighted her dreams, that he 
would be pleased to consult his fate by sacrifices, and 

[363] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



other kinds of divination. Nor was he himself without 
some suspicion and fears ; for he never before discovered 
any womanish superstition in Calpurnia, whom he now 
saw in such great alarm. Upon the report which the 
priests made to him, that they had killed several sacri- 
fices, and still found them inauspicious, he resolved to 
send Antony to dismiss the senate. 

In this juncture, Decimus Brutus, surnamed Albinus, 
one whom Caesar had such confidence in that he made 
him his second heir, who nevertheless was engaged in 
the conspiracy with the other Brutus and Cassius, fearing 
lest if Caesar should put off the senate to another day 
the business might get wind, spoke scoffingly and in 
mockery of the diviners, and blamed Caesar for giving 
the senate so fair an occasion of saying he had put a 
slight upon them, for that they were met upon his sum- 
mons, and were ready to vote unanimously, that he should 
be declared king of all the provinces out of Italy, and 
might wear a diadem in any other place but Italy, by 
sea or land. If any one should be sent to tell them they 
might break up for the present, and meet again when 
Calpurnia should chance to have better dreams, what 
would his enemies say ? Or who would with any patience 
hear his friends, if they should presume to defend his 
government as not arbitrary and tyrannical ? But if he 
was possessed so far as to think this day unfortunate, 
yet it were more decent to go himself to the senate, and 
to adjourn it in his own person. 

Brutus, as he spoke these words, took Caesar by the 
hand, and conducted him forth. He was not gone far 

[364] 



C^SAR 



from the door, when a servant of some other person's 
made towards him, but not being able to come up to him, 
on account of the crowd of those who pressed about him, 
he made his way into the house, and committed himself 
to Calpurnia, begging of her to secure him till Caesar 
returned, because he had matters of great importance 
to communicate to him. 

Artemidorus, a Cnidian, a teacher of Greek logic, and 
by that means so far acquainted with Brutus and his 
friends as to have got into the secret, brought Caesar in 
a small written memorial the heads of what he had to 
depose. He had observed that Caesar, as he received 
any papers, presently gave them to the servants who 
attended on him ; and therefore came as near to him 
as he could, and said, " Read this, Caesar, alone, and 
quickly, for it contains matter of great importance which 
nearly concerns you." 

Caesar received it, and tried several times to read it, 
but was still hindered by the crowd of those who came 
to speak to him. However, he kept it in his hand by 
itself till he came into the senate. 

Some say it was another who gave Caesar this note, 
and that Artemidorus could not get to him, being all 
along kept off by the crowd. 

All these things might happen by chance. But the 
place which was destined for the scene of this murder, 
in which the senate met that day, was the same in 
which Pompey's statue stood, and was one of the edifices 
which Pompey had raised and dedicated with his theater 
to the use of the public, plainly showing that there was 

[365] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 

something of a supernatural influence which guided the 
action, and ordered it to that particular place. 

Cassius, just before the act, is said to have looked 
towards Pompey's statue, and silently implored his assist- 
ance, though he had been inclined to the doctrines of 
Epicurus. But this occasion and the instant danger, 
carried him away out of all his reasonings, and filled 
him for the time with a sort of inspiration. 

As for Antony, who was firm to Caesar, and a strong 
man, Brutus Albinus kept him outside the house, and de- 
layed him with a long conversation contrived on purpose. 

When Caesar entered, the senate stood up to show 
their respect to him. Of Brutus's confederates, some 
came about his chair and stood behind it, others met 
him, pretending to add their petitions to those of Tillius 
Cimber, in behalf of his brother, who was in exile ; and 
they followed him with their joint supplications till he 
came to his seat. 

When he was sat down, he refused to comply with 
their requests, and upon their urging him further, began 
to reproach them severally for their importunities, when 
Tillius, laying hold of his robe with both his hands, 
pulled it down from his neck, which was the signal for 
the assault. 

Casca gave him the first cut, in the neck, which was 
not mortal nor dangerous, as coming from one who at the 
beginning of such a bold action was probably very much 
disturbed. 

Caesar immediately turned about, and laid his hand 
upon the dagger and kept hold of it. And both of them 

[366] 



CESAR 



at the same time cried out, he that received the blow, in 
Latin, " Vile Casca, what does this mean ? " and he that 
gave it, in Greek, to his brother, " Brother, help ! " 

Upon this first onset, those who were not privy to the 
design were astonished, and their horror and amazement 
at what they saw were so great, that they durst not fly 
nor assist Caesar, nor so much as speak a word. 

But those who came prepared for the business inclosed 
him on every side, with their naked daggers in their 
hands. Which way soever he turned, he met with blows, 
and saw their swords leveled at his face and eyes, and 
was encompassed, like a wild beast in the toils, on every 
side. For it had been agreed they should each of them 
make a thrust at him, and flesh themselves with his 
blood ; for which reason Brutus also gave him one stab 
in the groin. 

Some say that he fought and resisted all the rest, shift- 
ing his body to avoid the blows, and calling out for help, 
but that when he saw Brutus's sword drawn, he covered 
his face with his robe and submitted, letting himself fall, 
whether it were by chance, or that he was pushed in that 
direction by his murderers, at the foot of the pedestal on 
which Pompey's statue stood, and which was thus wetted 
with his blood. So that Pompey himself seemed to have 
presided, as it were, over the revenge done upon his 
adversary, who lay here at his feet, and breathed out his 
soul through his multitude of wounds, for they say he 
received three and twenty. And the conspirators them- 
selves were many of them wounded by each other, whilst 
they all leveled their blows at the same person. 

[367] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



When Caesar was despatched, Brutus stood forth to give 
a reason for what they had done, but the senate would 
not hear him, but flew out of doors in all haste, and filled 
the people with so much alarm and distraction, that some 
shut up their houses, others left their counters and shops. 
All ran one way or the other, some to the place to see 
the sad spectacle, others back again after they had seen it. 
Antony and Lepidus, Caesar's most faithful friends, got 
off privately, and hid themselves in some friends' houses. 

Brutus and his followers, being yet hot from the deed, 
marched in a body from the senate house to the Capitol 
with their drawn swords, not like persons who thought of 
escaping, but with an air of confidence and assurance, and 
as they went along, called to the people to resume their 
liberty, and invited the company of any more distinguished 
people whom they met. Arid some of these joined the 
procession and went up along with them, as if they also 
had been of the conspiracy, and could claim a share in 
the honor of what had been done. As, for example, 
Gaius Octavius and Lentulus Spinther, who suffered after- 
wards for their vanity, being taken off by Antony and the 
young Caesar, and lost the honor they desired, as well as 
their lives, which it cost them, since no one believed they 
had any share in the action. For neither did those who 
punished them profess to revenge the fact, but the ill will. 

The day after, Brutus with the rest came down from 
the Capitol, and made a speech to the people, who 
listened without expressing either any pleasure or resent- 
ment, but showed by their silence that they pitied Caesar, 
and respected Brutus. 

[368] 



CAESAR 



The senate passed acts of oblivion for what was passed, 
and took measures to reconcile all parties. They ordered 
that Caesar should be worshiped as a divinity, and noth- 
ing, even of the slightest consequence, should be revoked, 
which he had enacted during his government. At the 
same time they gave Brutus and his followers the com- 
mand of provinces, and other considerable posts. So that 
all people now thought things were well settled, and 
brought to the happiest adjustment. 

But when Caesar's will was opened, and it was found 
that he had left a considerable legacy to each one of the 
Roman citizens, and when his body was seen carried 
through the market place, all mangled with wounds, the 
multitude could no longer contain themselves within the 
bounds of tranquillity and order, but heaped together a 
pile of benches, bars, and tables, which they placed the 
corpse on, and setting fire to it, burnt it on them. Then 
they took brands from the pile, and ran some to fire the 
houses of the conspirators, others up and down the city, 
to find out the men and tear them to pieces, but met, 
however, with none of them, they having taken effectual 
care to secure themselves. 

One Cinna, a friend of Caesar's, chanced the night be- 
fore to have an odd dream. He fancied that Caesar 
invited him to supper, and that upon his refusal to go 
with him, Caesar took him by the hand and forced him, 
though he hung back. 

Upon hearing the report that Caesar's body was burn- 
ing in the market place, he got up and went thither, out 
of respect to his memory, though his dream gave him 

[369] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



some ill apprehensions, and though he was suffering from 
a fever. One of the crowd who saw him there, asked 
another who that was, and having learned his name, told 
it to his next neighbor. It presently passed for a cer- 
tainty that he was one of Caesar's murderers, as, indeed, 
there was another Cinna, a conspirator, and they, taking 
this to be the man, immediately seized him, and tore him 
limb from limb upon the spot. 

Brutus and Cassius, frightened at this, within a few 
days retired out of the city. What they afterwards did 
and suffered, and how they died, is written in the Life 
of Brutus. 

Caesar died in his fifty-sixth year, not having survived 
Pompey above four years. That empire and power which 
he had pursued through the whole course of his life with 
so much hazard, he did at last with much difficulty com- 
pass, but reaped no other fruits from it than the empty 
name and invidious glory. But the great genius which 
attended him through his lifetime, even after his death 
remained as the avenger of his murder, pursuing through 
every sea and land all those who were concerned in it, 
and suffering none to escape, but reaching all who in any 
sort or kind were either actually engaged in the fact, or 
by their counsels any way promoted it. 

The most remarkable of mere human coincidences was 
that which befell Cassius, who, when he was defeated at 
Philippi, killed himself with the same dagger which he 
had made use of against Caesar. 

But above all, the phantom which appeared to Brutus 
showed the murder was not pleasing to the gods. The 

[37°] 



CJES AR 



story of it is this : Brutus, being about to pass his army 
from Abydos to the continent on the other side, laid him- 
self down one night, as he used to do, in his tent, and 
was not asleep, but thinking of his affairs, and what 
events he might expect. For he is related to have been 
the least inclined to sleep of all men who have commanded 
armies, and to have had the greatest natural capacity for 
continuing awake, and employing himself without need 
of rest. He thought he heard a noise at the door of his 
tent, and looking that way, by the light of his lamp, which 
was almost out, saw a terrible figure, like that of a man,- 
but of unusual stature and severe countenance. He was 
somewhat frightened at first, but seeing it neither did 
nor spoke anything to him, and only stood silently by 
his bedside, he asked who it was. 

The specter answered him, rr Thy evil genius, Brutus ; 
thou shalt see me at Philippi." 

Brutus answered courageously, t( Well, I shall see you," 
and immediately the appearance vanished. 

When the time was come, he drew up his army near 
Philippi against Antony and Caesar, and in the first battle 
won the day, routed the enemy, and plundered Caesar's 
camp. The night before the second battle, the same 
phantom appeared to him again, but spoke not a word. 
He presently understood his destiny was at hand, and 
exposed himself to all the danger of the battle. Yet he 
did not die in the fight, but seeing his men defeated, got 
up to the top of a rock, and there presenting his sword 
to his naked breast, and assisted, as they say, by a friend, 
who helped him to give the thrust, met his death. 

[371] 



NOTES 



THEMISTOCLES 

Page 7. Aristides : a man of such integrity that he was called The 
Just. He and Themistocles were the two leading Athenian states- 
men of their time. The rivalry between them became so marked 
that the Athenians, to restore quiet, decided to banish one of 
them. It is said that when the people were voting on the matter, 
an illiterate citizen, who did not know Aristides, stepped up to 
him, and offering him a tablet, asked him to write the name 
Aristides on it. " Has Aristides ever done you any wrong?" 
asked the statesman, while writing the name. " No," was the 
reply ; ct but I am tired of hearing him always called The Just." 

Aristides was banished, but was soon recalled, and rendered 
his country valuable assistance. It was his crowning glory that 
he always sought to accomplish his objects by honorable means. 
After a long life of service, he died poor, without having accumu- 
lated property enough to defray the expenses of burial, and was 
buried by the state. His life will be found in the complete edition 
of " Plutarch's Lives." 

Page 10. Olympic ga?nes : the most famous of the national religious 
festivals of the Greeks. These games were held at Olympia, in 
southwestern Greece, every four years. Their origin is lost in 
antiquity. The first record which we have of any contest is that 
of the victory of a certain Corcebus, who won the foot race in 
776 B.C. The games continued until the year 394 of the Christian 
Era, when they were abolished by the Roman emperor Theodosius. 

At this festival were gathered Greeks from all the states and 
colonies of the Hellenic world, who came to vie with each other in 
the peaceful contests of running, leaping, wrestling, boxing, jave- 
lin throwing, pitching the quoits, and chariot racing. Candidates 

[ 373 ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



for honors in the games were obliged to prove that they were of 
pure Hellenic descent, and had never been convicted of any seri- 
ous crime. They were obliged to enter their names ten months 
before the day of trial, and much of the intervening time was 
spent in careful training. 

Those who took part were in honor bound to observe the rules 
of the games, and to take no advantage of their adversaries. 
Judges presided over the contests, and awarded the simple crown 
of olive leaves to the victor. A herald proclaimed his name, his 
parentage, and his country. On his return home he entered his 
native city in triumph. His praises were often sung by poets, and 
frequently he lived the rest of his life at the expense of the state. 

These gatherings were a great center for free interchange of 
opinions, and tended to form a bond of union between the vari- 
ous states. A truce was proclaimed for the approaching games, 
so that all persons going to or coming from them were unmolested. 
The games usually continued five or six days. 

Cimon : a great Athenian admiral, the son of Miltiades (who 
led the Greeks at the battle of Marathon). Cimon was the leader 
of the aristocratic party, and one of the most influential Athenians. 
He was later opposed by Pericles (see pages 48 and 49). 
Page i i . ostracisin : a right exercised by the people of Athens and 
other Greek cities of banishing (by popular vote and without trial) 
for a time any person who appeared to be dangerous to the state. 
The word f ' ostracism " is derived from the Greek word " ostrakon," 
meaning a "tile" or "potsherd," on which was written the name 
of the person to be banished (see page 29 and the note on 
Arts tides, page 7). 
Page 13. Herodotus: a Greek historian. Cicero calls him the 
father of history. 

sacred galley : the ship which the Athenians sent annually to 
the island of Delos with sacrifices to the god Apollo. According 
to Greek legend Apollo was born on this island. His sanctuary 
here was one of the most famous of antiquity. 

talent of silver : the Attic talent was a weight or sum of money 
(not a coin). A talent of silver is now estimated to have weighed 
about 57.7 pounds avoirdupois, with a value of about $1446. 

[ 374] 



NOTES 



Page 14. barbarous songs: songs in a foreign tongue. In like 
manner, people who did not speak Greek were called barbarians, 
or foreigners (page 22). The word " barbarous " is merely a 
repetition of sounds, " bar," " bar," and means stammering. 

Page 16. Minerva: the Latin name for "Athena." Athena was 
the protecting goddess of Athens (which was named after her) 
and the Athenian state. She was the patroness of wisdom, 
agriculture, the useful arts, and warlike defence. The serpent 
seems to have been worshiped among all peoples. The Greeks 
regarded it as a divine creature, possessing the power of healing 
and of prophecy. 

oracle: divine revelations. The name sometimes means the 
priestess through whom the revelation or utterance of the god is 
made, and sometimes the place where the utterance is delivered. 

Troezen : an ancient city in the northeastern part of the Pelo- 
ponnesus. In Greek legend it was the birthplace of Theseus, who 
became the national hero of Athens. Thus the two cities # were 
closely associated. The Trcezenians sent ships to aid in the 
defence of Greece against Xerxes (zurk'sez). 

Page 18. ink-fish: the Teuthis (tu'thTs), or cuttlefish, which has a 
swordlike internal shell, and which was regarded as having no 
heart. When pursued, the cuttlefish throws out an ink-colored 
fluid which blackens the water. 

Page 21. Aeschylus : the first great tragic poet of Athens. He 
fought in the battles of Marathon (490 B.C.), Salamis (480 B.C.), 
and Plataea (479 B.C.). Seventy-nine titles of his plays have come 
down to us, but we have only seven of the plays. 

Page 22. Apollo the Laurel-crowned : the laurel is connected with 
the worship of Apollo in the celebration of his victory over the 
monstrous serpent, called Python, which he slew near Delphi. 
barbarians : see the note to page 1 4. 

Page 25. Seriphus : one of the smaller islands of the Cyclades 
(sik'ltf dez). 

Page 26. Theopompus : a Greek historian of the fourth century 
B.C. Among his works was a history of the life and times of 
Philip, the father of Alexander the Great. He accompanied 
Alexander on his march to the East. 

[375 ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



ephors : a body of five magistrates chosen by the Spartans. 
Originally they assisted the kings, but later controlled them. 

Page 27. Thirty Tyrants : in the year 404 B.C., at the close of the 
Peloponnesian War, the Spartans, being conquerors, put the gov- 
ernment of Athens under the control of thirty men from the 
Aristocratic party. The Thirty Tyrants ruled infamously, and in 
less than a year were driven from the city. 

hustings: the platform from which candidates for political 
office addressed the people. 

oligarchy : government by the few ; opposed to democracy 
(government by all the people). 

Page 28. Amphictyonians : members of the council of the Am- 
phictyonic League, a league (originally of twelve of the ancient 
Greek tribes) organized chiefly to protect the temple and wor- 
ship of Apollo at Delphi, and to take charge of the Pythian games 
held there. The council was also powerful politically. 

Page 29. Pausanias : the Spartan who led the Greeks at the 
battle of Plataea (479 B.C.), in which the Persians were defeated. 
Two years later, puffed up with success and ambition, he sought, 
with the aid of Persia, to become ruler of Greece. 

Page 38. Mother of the gods : the great nature goddess, who was 
supposed to haunt mountains and forests with her trains of wild 
attendants. She is called Dindymene (page 39) from Mount 
Dindymus (dm'di mus), in Asia Minor, which was sacred to her. 

PERICLES 

Page 46. sophist : the sophists were a class of teachers of rhetoric 
and philosophy who became prominent in the fifth century B.C. 
Some of them were talented men, and had wide influence as 
educators. Through their insincerity they gradually fell into dis- 
repute, and were looked on as mere pretenders to knowledge. 

Page 48. tyrant Pisistratus : originally a tyrant was a ruler who 
obtained absolute power in an irregular way, whether by force or 
fraud. Pisistratus, although a usurper, was a mild ruler. But 
since power unlawfully obtained is generally misused, the word 
"tyrant" gradually became a term of reproach, and meant a harsh 
and oppressive ruler. 

[376] 



NOTES 



Page 50. Olympian : a deity of Olympus. Mount Olympus, in the 
northern part of Greece, was supposed to be the home of Zeus 
and the other great gods of Greece. 

Thucydides : an orator and political opponent of Pericles. 
He should not be confused with the famous historian, who is 
mentioned on page 51. The Thucydides spoken of on page 55 
is a third person. 

Page 51. Sophocles : the second of the great Athenian tragic poets. 
His dramas mark the highest point of Attic art. When only a 
young man, he won the prize over ^schylus (page 21). 

Page 52. largess : bounty. 

Areopagus : the venerable council, or court, of the Areopagus 
was the highest tribunal of Athens, and was famous for the 
justice of its decisions. It was held in the open air, on the 
height called Areopagus, or Mars's Hill. Paul preached on this 
spot (Acts xvii, 22). 

archon : one of the nine highest magistrates in Athens. 

Page 59. Phidias : the greatest of Greek sculptors. In his works, 
as in the tragedies of Sophocles (page 51), the spirit of the Age 
of Pericles finds its noblest expression. 

Page 62. drachma (drak'mi) : an Attic (Athenian) silver coin worth 
about twenty-four cents. 

Page 67. Amazons : a fabled race of female warriors of Asia Minor, 
against whom Hercules, Theseus, and other Greek heroes fought. 

infonner : a person who made it his business to notify the 
government of a violation of the law. 

Page 68. suffrage : vote. The meaning of the passage is not clear. 
Pollution : the historian Thucydides says that certain ances- 
tors of Pericles, on his mother's side, put to death a number of 
insurrectionists who, when defeated and starving, sat as suppliants 
at the altar in the Acropolis. The Athenians promised to do 
them no harm, and then led them away and put them to death. 
This act of sacrilege was a pollution, and could be atoned for 
only by banishment. 

Page 70. Cleon : the historian Thucydides and the comic poet 
Aristophanes picture Cleon as a cheap and insolent politician. 
He was a good representative of the low type of demagogues 

[377] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



into whose hands the leadership of Athens fell after the death 
of Pericles (429 B.C.). 

Satyr (safer) : a sylvan deity with a form partly human and 
partly bestial. 

Teles : apparently some notorious coward. 
Page 74. Olympian : see the note to page 50. 

ALEXANDER 

Page 83. born the same day : in 356 B.C. 

Dia7ia : Diana of Ephesus, the tutelary deity of ancient 
Ephesus, was worshiped as a goddess of fertility. Her worship 
was widely extended (see Acts xix). 

soothsayers : foretellers of future events. 

Parmenio : Philip's most trusted general, who went with Alex- 
ander to the East (see page 108). 

Page 84. rhapsodists : reciters of epic (heroic) poems. 

pancratimn (pan kra'shi urn) : an athletic contest, combining 
wrestling and boxing. 

Page 88. Iliads : each book of the poem is sometimes called an 
Iliad ; hence the plural, Iliads, means the entire poem. The Iliad 
is an epic poem in twenty-four books, and describes many of the 
battles between the Greeks and the Trojans in the siege of Ilium, 
or Troy. 

Euripides : the latest of the three great tragic poets of Greece. 
The dramas of Euripides contain much more of the thoughts 
and experiences of ordinary human beings than the works of 
iEschylus and Sophocles. Eighteen of his plays have come 
down to us. 

Page 89. father was murdered : a youth named Pausanias, having 
suffered some indignity at the hands of Cleopatra, Philip's wife, 
went to Philip to seek reparation for. his disgrace. Being denied 
this, he watched for an opportunity and killed him. 

Page 90. Philotas : son of Parmenio (page 83). When in the East, 
he was accused of treason against Alexander, and was put to death. 

Antipater : Alexander owed much to the fidelity of Parmenio, 
who accompanied him on his Eastern campaign, and of Antipater, 
who was left as regent of Macedonia. 

[378] 



NOTES 



Page 92. Mysteries : secret religious rites to which only the initi- 
ated were admitted. The most famous of these were held at 
Eleusis (e lu'sis), in Attica, and were connected with the worship 
of Demeter (de me'ter), the goddess of the fruitful soil and agri- 
culture, whose daughter Persephone (per sef'6 ne) was carried 
away by Hades (ha/dez), the god of the lower world. 

Bacchus : a god of vegetation, and protector of the vine, 
whose worship was widespread. His coming in the spring was 
welcomed with revelry. Thebes was considered his birthplace. 
Page 93. Apollo : one of the greatest of the Greek gods. He per- 
sonified manly youth and beauty, and presided over music and 
poetry, prophecy, and the art of healing. 
Page 94. libations : a libation consisted in pouring out wine or 
other liquor, generally on the ground, in honor of some deity. 
Achilles : the hero of the Iliad (see the note to page 88). 
Page 95. Paris : son of King Priam of Troy. He carried off Helen 
of Sparta, and thus brought on the Trojan War. 
Darius : Darius III, king of the Persians. 
Dcesius : a Macedonian month, corresponding to the last half 
of May and the first half of June. 

Artemisius : a Spartan and Macedonian month, correspond- 
ing to the last half of March and the first half of April. 
Page 96. buckler : a kind of shield worn usually on the left arm. 

cuirass : armor covering the body from the neck to the girdle. 
Page 97. Macedonian phalanx : a body of soldiers from eight to 
sixteen ranks deep, armed with spears about eighteen feet in 
length. This phalanx was almost irresistible. 
mercenary : hired into foreign service. 

Aristobulus : a Greek historian who accompanied Alexander 
and wrote a history of his campaigns. 

Lysippus : a noted Greek sculptor. It is said that he was the 
only sculptor in bronze for whom Alexander would sit. 
Page 98. Menander: one of the chief poets of the Attic New 
Comedy. We have only fragments of his plays, but some knowl- 
edge of his work is gained through certain comedies of the Latin 
poets Plautus and Terence, who adapted some of his plays to 
the Roman stage. 

[ 379 ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



Page ioo. Belus : the Babylonian god Bel. In the Bible he is called 
Bel or Baal (ba/tfl). The name means " lord," and was given to 
any of the local deities of the ancient Semitic races. The Baals 
in the different localities were originally distinct deities. 

Page iio. gorget (gor'jet): armor for the throat. 

Page hi. Callisthenes : a Greek historian. He was related to the 
Greek philosopher Aristotle (ar'is totl), who educated him along 
with Alexander. Callisthenes went with Alexander on his Eastern 
campaigns, but displeased him, and was put to death on a charge 
of treason. 

augur : an interpreter of signs and omens. 
Page 116. furlongs: a translation of the Greek word "stadia." 
According to Herodotus and Xenophon (zen'6 fon) the Asiatic 
stadium was equal to 485.1 feet. So the distance traveled by 
Alexander in eleven days was a little more than three hun- 
dred miles. 

Page 121. Porus : a king of India. He was the most powerful 
monarch conquered by Alexander. 

Page 132. Hephcestio?i : Hephaestion and Alexander are said to 
have been companions in childhood. During Alexander's cam- 
paigns they were close friends, and Hephaestion was intrusted 
with many important commissions. Alexander married the prin- 
cess Statira, daughter of Darius, and gave the hand of her sister 
to Hephaestion. 

CORIOLANUS 

Page 138. consuls : these magistrates possessed about all the power 
that had belonged to the kings. But each of the consuls could 
oppose any action of the other, and so at times it became neces- 
sary to appoint a higher magistrate with unlimited power, like 
that of the kings. This magistrate was called a dictator. 

Page 140. cediles : officers who had charge of the public buildings, 
streets, markets, and games. They performed the duties of 
police also. 

Page i 42. Gaius Marches : Gaius Marcius Coriolanus (see page 155). 
The name " Gaius " is commonly (though less correctly) written 
" Caius " (ka/yus) in English. 

[380] 



NOTES 



Page 143. adventitious implements : such implements as come 
accidentally to hand. 

Page 144. Tarquinius Superbus : Tarquin the Proud (page 139). 
dictator : see the note on consuls, page 138. 

Page 145. Castor and Pollux : mythological characters, the heroes 
of many adventures. They were placed among the stars, and 
worshiped as divinities. They were considered as the patrons 
of travelers by land or by sea, and they guarded the rights of 
hospitality. 

Forum : a large public square in Rome, surrounded by shops, 

public buildings, and temples, and adorned with the statues of 

noted men. This, the center of business, naturally became the 

place of public meetings. 
Page 1 56. corn : wheat and the like (not Indian corn, which is a 

North-American cereal and was unknown in Europe until after 

the discovery of America). 
plebeians and patricians : see page 139. 
Page 157. clients: the clients were dependents on the patrician 

families, to whom they were in bondage. They did not have full 

political rights. 

Page 158. toga, tunic : the toga was a loose outer garment, of un- 
dyed wool, worn by citizens in public. The tunic was an under- 
garment, like a shirt or gown, with or without sleeves. It reached 
to the knees or below, and was girdled at the waist. The tunic 
was worn by both sexes. 

Page 159. candidates : the word "candidate" means clothed in 
white. Those who sought public offices in Rome put on white togas. 

Page 161. corn : Sicily was the great granary of Rome. 

Page 163. oddites : see the note to page 140. 

Page 165. Tarpeian rock: a steep rock on the southern side of 
the Capitoline hill, from which it was customary to cast criminals 
condemned to death. 

Page 167. prerogative : right, or privilege. 

Page 168. centuries, tribes : the centuries were political divisions 
of the people in which everybody was classified according to the 
amount of his property. Thus the rich had greater power. The 
tribes were divisions made according to locality. 

[381] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



Page 171. Ulysses: the hero of Homer's Odyssey, who, when 
Troy was taken (see the note on Iliads, page 88), was driven 
about for ten years before he reached his home. He was fre- 
quently in disguise. 

Page 172. accident: event, occurrence (the original meaning of 
the word). 

Page 175. Numa : Numa Pompilius, according to legend the 
second king of Rome. He was considered to be the founder of 
the religious rites of the Romans. 

Page i 80. cabals (kd balz') : intrigues, plots. 
tutelar (tu'te l^r) : protecting. 

ALneas : a defender of Troy (see the note to page 88), and 
the reputed ancestral hero of the Romans. His wanderings are 
described in Vergil's ^neid (e ne'id). 
Page 182. fra?ichises : privileges. 

Page i 84. divined front birds : foretold the future from the flight 
or the actions of birds. 
pontifical: priestly. 

Page i 86. actuate : . . our nature : incite our natural power of 
action and choice. 

Page 187. Jupiter Capitolinus : Jupiter of the Capitol, so named 
from his temple on the Capitoline hill, in Rome. Jupiter was the 
greatest of the Roman gods. 

Sabines : one of the early peoples of Italy. When Rome was 
founded, most of the Romans obtained wives by carrying off 
Sabine women, whom they had invited to a festival. A war en- 
sued ; but the Sabine captives brought about peace, and united 
the two nations. 

Page 193. suborned : induced or bribed to give false testimony. 
FABIUS 

Page 206. triumph : an imposing procession in honor of a general 
who had won a decisive victory over a foreign enemy. The 
victor, with a scepter in his left hand and a branch of laurel in 
his right, entered the city in a circular chariot drawn by four 
horses, preceded by the senate and magistrates, musicians, spoils, 
and captives in fetters, and followed by his army on foot. 

[382] 



NOTES 



Page 208. prcetor : a magistrate with rank next to that of the consul. 
dictator : see the note on consuls, page 138. 

Page 209. lictors : officers who attended the chief magistrates in 
public and cleared the way before them. They also arrested and 
punished criminals. A consul had twelve lictors ; a dictator had 
twenty-four. 

fasces (f as'ez) : a bundle of rods in the middle of which was 
an ax with its blade protruding. These rods were carried by the 
lictors, before the superior magistrates at Rome, as an emblem 
of authority. 

Page 210. of meeting his want . . . his forces : with the purpose 
of meeting his (Hannibal's) want of resources by superior means, 
and of meeting the smallness of his (Hannibal's) forces by large 
numbers. 

Page 211. pedagogue : originally a slave who led a boy to and 

from school. 
Page 214. van : vanguard, front of an army. 

Page 217. Manlius Torquatus : he had been military tribune (at 
one time the highest officer of the state), twice dictator, and three 
times consul. During his last consulship he defeated the Latins 
and Campanians. He caused his son to be put to death . because 
he disobeyed him by engaging the enemy in single combat. 

Page 218. legio7i : at this time the legion consisted of three hun- 
dred knights and four thousand two hundred foot soldiers. 

Page 220. Numidian horsemen : the Numidians, a warlike people 
of northern Africa, were famous as horsemen. They rode their 
horses without saddle or bridle. 

Page 221. ensigns: standards, banners. 

Page 222. eagles : the standard of the Roman legion was a bronze 
or silver eagle mounted on a staff. 

Page 229. purified : purification was a religious rite, by which the 
city should be made acceptable to the gods. 

Page 230. Ceres : the goddess of growing vegetation. Her feast 
was celebrated in April. The worship of the Greek goddess 
Demeter fsee the note on Mysteries, page 92) having been intro- 
duced at Rome, Demeter was identified with Ceres. Thus Ceres 
came to be worshiped as the goddess of the earth and of corn. 

[383] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



Page 231. Posidonins : a distinguished Stoic philosopher. He 
spent many years in travel and scientific research, and then be- 
came a teacher at Rhodes (rodz), where his fame attracted many 
pupils. He later went to Rome. In addition to philosophical 
works he wrote books on geography, history, and astronomy. 
prcetors : see the note to page 208. 

proconsuls : a proconsul was a governor of a Roman province. 

He had the authority of a consul (see the note to page 138). 
Page 238. great-gra,7idfather of our Fabius : Fabius Maximus 

Rullianus (rul 1 a/nus), the most distinguished Roman general in 

the Second Samnite War, and one of the greatest men that 

Rome ever produced. 
Page 239. Cornelius Scipio : Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus 

(af ri k5/nus), who defeated the Carthaginians in Africa. He was 

one of the most noted of Roman generals. 

SERTORIUS 

Page 248. Hercules : Hercules rescued Laomedon's daughter 
Hesione (he sl'o ne) from a sea monster. Laomedon, in gratitude, 
promised him the horses of Neptune, and then refused to give 
them. Hercules took the city, and made Laomedon's son Priam 
(prfam) king. 

wooden horse : the Greeks at Troy pretended to be giving up 
the siege, and built a great wooden horse, which they said was 
an offering to Minerva for their safe return to Greece ; but the 
horse was filled with armed men. The rest of the Greeks pre- 
tended to sail away, and the Trojans, being led to believe that 
the horse would save Troy, dragged it inside the walls. In the 
night the Greeks descended from the horse and opened the gates 
of the city to the Greek army. Troy was taken and destroyed. 
Page 249. Philip : the father of Alexander the Great. 

Antigonus : one of the generals of Alexander the Great. At 
one time he was master of Asia, and took the title of king. 
Page 250. Cimbri and Teutones : tribes of German barbarians. 
They were defeated by Marius in the year 102 B.C., in the battle 
of Aquae Sextiae (a/kwe seks'ti e). 

Celtic dress ; costume of a barbarian. 

[3S4] 



NOTES 



Page 252. Cisalpine Gaul : Gaul on this (the southern) side of 
the Alps. 

Marsian war : commonly called the Social War (see page 246). 
The Marsi were a warlike people who lived in a mountainous 
district of central Italy. Appian (ap'i an), a native of Alexandria, 
who wrote a Roman history in Greek, records a saying that Rome 
won no victory over the Marsi or without the Marsi. 

qu&stor: one of the Roman officials who were treasurers of 
the state. 

Page 257. Pityussa : an island off the eastern coast of Spain. The 
name is Greek, and means " abounding in pine trees." 

Page 258. straits of Cadiz : Strait of Gibraltar. The ancient name 
of Cadiz was Gades (ga'dez), from a Phoenician word meaning a 
hedge or wall. 

Islands of the Blest : in Greek mythology the Islands of the 
Blest (or Fortunate Islands) were imagined to lie near the edge 
of the Western Ocean, where the favorites of the gods dwelt in 
everlasting joy (see the note to page 259). When the Canary 
Islands were discovered, the name became attached to them. 

Page 259. Elysian Fields : Homer says, " But thou, Menelaus, son 
of Zeus, art not ordained to die and meet thy fate in Argos, the 
pasture-land of horses, but the deathless gods will convey thee to 
the Elysian plain and the world's end, where is Rhadamanthus 
of the fair hair, where life is easiest for men. No snow is there, 
nor yet great storm, nor any rain ; but alway ocean sendeth forth 
the breeze of the shrill West to blow cool on men : yea, for thou 
hast Helen to wife, and thereby they deem thee to be son of Zeus." 
— Odyssey, iv, 561-569, translated by Butcher and Lang. 

Page 260. Lusitanians : a wild and warlike people of Spain. 

Page 262. Diana : a deity of the wood. When the Greek gods 
Apollo and Artemis were introduced into Roman religion, Diana 
was identified with Artemis, and was represented as a huntress. 
See the earlier note on Diana (page 83). 

prosperous success : the word " success " (from the Latin) origi- 
nally meant simply " that which follows, outcome, result." In 
Shakespeare, for example, we find such phrases as " good suc- 
cess," " bad success." 

[385] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



Page 263. Pompey the G?'eat : Pompey's defeat of Sertorius made 
him the leading man at Rome (see page 291). 

Page 267. bullce (bool'e) : the bulla was a locketlike ornament worn 
as a charm by Roman boys and girls. This custom, like many 
others, was borrowed from the Etruscans, an ancient people of 
central Italy. 

Page 272. triumph : see the note to page 206. 

Page 278. imperator (1m pe ra/tor) : commander, a title of honor 
used by Roman soldiers in addressing their general after he had 
won an important victory. 

Page 279. prcetors : see the note to page 208. 
qucestors : see the note to page 252. 

Page 282. rods and axes : see the note on fasces, page 209. 

Page 283. revenue fawners : publicans, or taxgatherers, who pur- 
chased at auction the right to collect the public revenues. They 
often increased their profits by extortion and cruelty, and thus 
became hated as a class. See Matthew v, 46, 47; xi, 19; Luke 
xix, 1-8. 

Page 285. posture of his lying: when at table, the Romans re- 
clined on couches. 

CESAR 

Page 295. panegyric : a eulogistic speech or writing. 

Page 297. Appian Way : the oldest and most famous of the Roman 
roads, extending from Rome to southeastern Italy. It was begun 
in the year 312 B.C., by the censor Appius Claudius, after whom 
it was named. Near Rome the road was bordered with tombs, 
the remains of some of which are still in existence. The Roman 
poet Statius (sta/shi us), who lived in the first century of our era, 
called the Appian Way the queen of roads. 
cedile : see the note to page 140. 

gladiators : men who fought with swords or other weapons 
at public shows for the amusement of the people. They were 
usually slaves, captives, or criminals, trained for the purpose. 
Page 303. cohort: one of the ten divisions of a legion (see the 
note to page 2 1 8). 
expect : wait for. 

[386] 



NOTES 



Page 306. Cato : Cato the Younger, great-grandson of Cato the 
Censor. After the battle of Thapsus (46 B.C.), he chose to take 
his own life rather than to surrender to Caesar (see pages 351 
and 352). He is commonly called Cato Uticensis (u ti sen'sls), 
that is, Cato of Utica, after the place where he died. Cato was 
a man of noble character. To him death was preferable to the 
lost Republic. 

Page 310. Oppius : a Latin writer, and intimate friend of Caesar. 

He wrote biographies, now lost, of Caesar and other Romans. 
Page 311. Cimbrians and Teutons : see the note to page 250. 
Page 318. himber : wood. 

Page 3 1 9. Cicero : Quintus Cicero, a younger brother of the orator. 

Page 326. drach?nas : see the note to page 62. 

Page 327. Antony : Mark Antony. He was of an ancient patrician 

family, and was related to Caesar. 
Page 340. Cato : see the note to page 306. 

Agamemnon : king of Mycenae (ml se'ne), and brother of 

Menelaus, king of Sparta. He was commander in chief of the 

expedition against Troy. 
Page 341. bacchanalian (bak a na'lt an): of the devotees of Bacchus 

(see the note on Bacchus, page 92). 
pontificate (pon tif'i kat) : office of high priest (see page 299). 
Page 342. lustration : purification. 

Page 346. Pol Ho : Gaius Asinius Pollio (mentioned on page 330), 
a Roman soldier, politician, orator, critic, and poet. He was a 
patron of Catullus (ka tuTus), Horace (hor'as), and Vergil (vur'jil). 
He founded the first public library in Rome. 

Page 347. myriads : myriads of drachmas. A myriad is ten thou- 
sand. For drachma, see the note to page 62. The amount of 
money spoken of here is more than four million dollars. But 
the value was much greater ; for in those days money was worth 
several times what it is worth to-day. 

Page 348. canals : the city of Alexandria depended on canals for 
its supply of water. 

great library : the most famous library of the ancient world, 
containing at this time (47 B.C.) about seven hundred thousand 
manuscripts. The library was not entirely destroyed by the fire. 

[387] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



Alexandria was founded in 332 B.C., by Alexander the Great. In the 
following century it became the center of commerce and learning. 

Page 349. tetrarchs (te'trarks): a tetrarch was governor of the 
fourth part of a province. 

Latin . . . same cadence: the Latin words are " veni, vidi, vici " 
(pronounced in English ve'ni, vi'dT, vi'sl). These words were sent 
to Rome to Caesar's friend Amantius, not to the senate, as is 
commonly stated. 

Page 351. to admiration: to their astonishment. 

Page 353. Attic bushels: the Attic measure "medimnos"(me dim'nos), 
which is here translated by " bushel," contained nearly fifty per 
cent more than our bushel. 

son . . . learned historians of Greece : this son, who was also 
named Juba, was kept at Rome and educated. In the year 30 B.C. 
he was restored by Augustus Caesar to his father's kingdom. His 
writings included a wide range of subjects. 

Page 354. dining couches : see the note to page 285. 

battle . . . feast of Bacchus : March 1 7, 45 B.C. When the 
worship of Bacchus (see the note to page 92) was introduced at 
Rome, the ancient Italian god of fructification, Liber (li'ber), 
became identified with him. The festival of Liber, called the 
Liberalia (lib er all a\ was celebrated on March 1 7. 

Page 356. Carthage, Corinth: these cities were destroyed by the 
Romans in 146 B.C. 

Page 358. Lyra: a northern constellation. 

sibyls (sib'ilz) : prophetesses. The most famous was the sibyl 
of Cumae (ku'me), on the coast of Italy near Naples. 

Page 359. rostra (ros'tra): a platform (in the Forum) for pub- 
lic speakers. This platform was adorned with the beaks (rostra) 
of captured ships, whence the name. The singular form of the 
word, " rostrum," is the one now commonly used in English. 

Page 360. Lupercalia : an ancient Roman festival in honor of 
Faunus (fo'nus), a god of the herds and of fertility. This festival 
was known as " februatio " (f eb roo a'shi 6), or purification, and 
from this word we get " February," the name of the month when 
the festival was held. 

Lyc&a : a festival in honor of Zeus. 

[388] 



NOTES 



Page 361. Bruti and Cumtzi : Brutuses and Cumaeans. A play on 
words. The Latin adjective " brutus " (broo'tus) means " heavy," 
" dull," " stupid." The Cumaeans (ku me'^nz) were proverbial for 
dullness. 

Page 362. Strabo : Strabo, whom Plutarch calls the philosopher, is 

the famous Greek historian and geographer. His geography, in 

seventeen books, is the most important ancient work on this 

science that we possess. 
Page 363. ides (Idz) of March : fifteenth of March. The ides fell 

on the fifteenth in March, May, July, and October, and on the 

thirteenth in the other months. 
Livy : the great Roman historian. 
Page 366. Epicurus : Epicurus taught that man did not live beyond 

the grave ; hence a believer in his doctrine would not appeal to 

Pompey's spirit. 

Page 367. flesh themselves with his blood : in the original Greek 
the slaying of Caesar is pictured as the slaughter of a victim in a 
religious ceremony. It was agreed among the conspirators that 
they should all have a share in the sacrifice and a taste of the 
blood. 

Page 368. young Casar .- Octavian, Julius Caesar's grandnephew 
and adopted son and heir. He became the first Roman emperor 
(31 B.C.), and by a decree of the senate (27 B.C.) received the title 
Augustus (6 gus'tus), which means "exalted," "majestic," "sacred." 
The month of August, originally called Sextilis (seks ti'lis), or 
sixth month (March being the first month of the Roman year), 
was renamed in honor of Augustus, just as July, the fifth month, 
had been renamed in honor of Julius Caesar. 



[389] 



PRONOUNCING VOCABULARY OF 
NAMES 



KEY TO PRONUNCIATION 



a 


as in face 


e as in men 


o as in bonnet 


a 


as in surface 


e as in moment 


d as in connect 


a 


as in fact 


e as in maker 


5 as in long 


a 


as in affect 


i as in fine 


oi as in boiling 


a 


as in far 


i as in fin 


do as in boot 


a 


as in dfire 


6 as in bone 


do as in book 


e 


as in be 


6 as in obey 


u. as in muse 




as in begin 


6 as in border 


u. as in musician 



u. as in turkey 
u. as in must 
u as in circus 
g as in get 
rj like n in ink 
th as in thin 
y as in yet 



Abydos 


a bi'dos 


JEquian 


e'kwi an 


Acarnanian 


ak ar na/m an 


iEschylus 


es'ki lus 


Acestodorus 


a ses to do'rus 


Afranius 


a f ra'ni iis 


Acharnae 


a kar'ne 


Africa 


af 'ri kd 


Achillas 


a kn'as 


African 


af 7 ri kdn 


Achilles 


d kiTez 


Africani 


af ri ka'ni 


Acilius 


a sill us 


Agamemnon 


ag d mem'non 


Acropolis 


d krop'6 lis 


Agathias 


d ga'thi as 


Actseon 


ak te'on 


Agrippa 


d grip'd 


Ada 


a'dd 


Alba 


aTbd 


Admetus 


ad me'tus 


Alban 


aTbdn 


Adriatic 


a dri atlk 


Albinus 


al bl'nus 


sedile 


e'dll 


Alcibiades 


al si bfd dez 




e'je 


Alesia 


d le'shi d 


iEgean 


e je'dn 


Alexander 


al eg zan'der 


iEgina 


e ji'nd 


Alexandria 


al eg zan'dri d 


iEginetan 


e ji ne'tdn 


Alexandropolis 


al eg zan drop" 6 lis 


^Emilius 


e mill us 


Alexion 


d lek'si on 


iEneas 


e ne'as 


Alopece 


d lo'pe" se 


^Eolia 


e oil d 


Amantius 


d man'shi us 


iEolian 


e oil dn 


Amazon 


am'd zon 



[39 1 ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



Ambiorix 
Ammonius 
Amphictyonian 
Amphictyonic 
Amyntas 
Anaxagoras 
Andros 
Anienus 
Anio 
Anius 
Annius 
Anthemion 
Anthologia 
Antiates 
Anti-Cato 
Antigenes 
Antigonus 
Antipater 
Antiphates 
Antisthenes 
Antium 
Antonius 
Antony 
Anytus 
Aphetse 
Apollo 
Apollodorus 
Apollonia 
Apollonius 
Appian 
Appius 
Aquinus 
Arabian 
Arar 
Arcadia 
Arcadian 
Archidamus 
Architeles 
Areopagus 



am bi'6 riks 

a mo'ni us 

Sm f ik ti o'ni an 

am f ik ti on'ik 

a min'tas 

an ak sag'6 ras 

an'drSs 

a ni e'nus 

a'ni o 

a'ni us 

an'i us 

an the'mi on 

an tho lo'ji d 

an ti a'tez 

an ti-ka/to 

an tij'e nez 

an tig'6 nus 

an tip'd ter 

an tif 'a tez 

an tis'the nez 

an'shi um 

an to'ni us 

an'to ni 

an'i tus 

M't te 

a poro 

d pol 6 do'rus 
ap 6 lo'ni a 
ap 6 lo'ni us 
ap'i an 
ap 7 ! us 
d kwl'nus 
d ra/bi dn 
a'rar 
ar ka/di d 
ar ka'di dn 
ar kl da'nrns 
ar kit'e lez 
ar e op'd gus 

[ 



Argos 

Ariamenes 

Arimanius 

Ariminum 

Ariovistus 

Aristander 

Aristides 

Aristobulus 

Aristophanes 

Aristotelian 

Aristotle 

Armenia 

Arnaces 

Arrian 

Artabanus 

Artemidorus 

Artemis 

Artemisium 

Artemisius 

Arthmius 

Arverni 

Ascalis 

Asia Minor 

Asian 

Asiatic 

Asinius 

Aspasia 

Athena 

Athenian 

Athens 

Atlantic 

Attica 

Attis 

Aufidius 

Aufidus 

Aurelius 

Babylon 
Bacchus 



ar'gos 

ar I am'e nez 
ar I ma'ni us 
d rim'i niim 
ar i 6 vis 7 tus 
ar is tan'der 
ar is ti'dez 
d ris to bu/lus 
ar is tof 'd nez 
ar is to tell dn 
ar'Is totl 
ar me'ni d 
ar'nd sez 
ar'i an 
ar td ba/niis 
ar te mi do'rus 
ar'te mis 
ar te mish'i um 
ar te mish'i us 
arth'mi us 
ar vur'ni 
as'kd lis 
a'shd mi'ner 
a'shdn 
a shi atlk 
d sin'i us 
as pa'shi d 
d the'nd 
d the'ni dn 
ath'enz 
at lan'tik 
at'i kd 
at'is 

6 f id'i us 
6'f i diis 
6 re'li us 

bab'ilon 
bak'us 



PRONOUNCING VOCABULARY 



Bactrian 


bak'tri an 


Canary 


kd na'ri 


Baetica 


be'ti kd 


Caninius 


kd run! us 


Ba3tis 


be'tis 


Cannae 


kan'e 


Balbus 


baTbus 


Capitoline 


kapl to lin 


Barcas 


bar'kas 


Capitolinus 


kap i to ll'nus 


Belgas 


beTje 


Cappadocia 


kap d do'shi d 


Bellutus 


be lulus 


Capua 


kap'u d 


Belus 


belus 


Carbo 


kar'bo 


Bernard 


ber nard / 


Cardia 


kar'di d 


Bessus 


bes'us 


Carnutes 


kar nulez 


Bibulus 


bib'u lus 


Carthage 


karlhaj 


Bithynia 


bi thinl d 


Carthaginian 


kar thd jinl an 


Boeotia 


be o'shi d 


Casca 


kas'kd 


Boeotian 


be o'shdn 


Casilinuni 


kas 1 liliu.ni 


Bola 


bold 


Casinum 


kd sfnum 


Britain 


bnt'n 


Caspian 


kas'pi an 


Brundisium 


bran dishl tun 


Cassius 


kashl us 


Bruti, see Brutus 


Castor 


kaslor 


Bruttian 


bruti an 


Castulo 


kaslu 16 


Brutus 


broolus 


Catiline 


katl lin 


pi. Bruti 


brooli 


Cato 


kalo 


Bucephalia 


bu se id li'd 


Catulus 


kat'u lus 


Bucephalus 


bu. sef 'a lus 


Caucasus 


ko'kd sus 


bullae 


booTe 


Caulonia 


ko lo'ni d 


Buteo 


biile o 


Celtiberian 


sel ti bell an 


Byzantine 


bi zanlm 


Celtic 


seTtik 






Ceos 


se'os 


Cadiz 


ka'diz 


Ceres 


se'rez 


Caepio 


se'pi o 


Cethegus 


se the'gus 


Caesar 


se'zdr 


Chaeronea 


ker 6 ne'd 


Calanus 


kal'd nus 


Chaeronean 


ker o ne'an 


Calenus 


kd lelms 


Characitanian 


kd ras i talii an 


Callaeci 


kd le'si 


Charidemus 


kar I de'mus 


Callisthenes 


kd lis'the nez 


Charon 


ka'ron 


Calpurnia 


kal purlii d 


Chrysostom 


kris'os turn 


Calpurnius 


kal pur'ni us 


Cicero 


sis'er o 


Calvinus 


kal villus 


Cilicia 


si lish'i d 


Camillus 


kd rmTus 


Cilician 


si Hsh'dn 


Campania 


kam pa/ni d 


Cimber 


simmer 



[393 ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



Cimbri 


sim'bri 


Cyprus 


sfprus; 


Cimbrian 


sim'bri an 


Cyrus 


si'rus 


Cimon 


si'mon 


Cyzicus 


sizl kus 


Cinna 


sin'd 






Circeii 


ser se'yi 


Dacia 


da/shi d 


Cisalpine 


sis aTpin 


Daesius 


de'shi us 


Citiean 


sish 1 e'dn 


Damascus 


dd raas'kus 


Claudius 


klo'di us 


Damon 


da'mon 


Cleon 


kle'on 


Damonides 


dd monl dez 


Cleopatra 


kle 6 pa'trd 


Danube 


dan'iib 


Clitus 


kirtus 


Dardanelles 


dar dd nelz' 


Clough 


kftf 


Darius 


dd rl'us 


Cluilian 


kloo lYi an 


Decimus 


des'i mus 


Cnidian 


nidi an 


Delos 


delos 


Coenus 


se'nus 


Delphi 


del'fl 


Cominius 


k6 nim'i us 


Demaratus 


dem d ra/tus 


Comum 


ko'mum 


Demosthenes 


de mos'the nez 


Considius 


kon sidl us 


Diana 


di a'nd 


Corcyra 


kOr sl'rd 


Didius 


did'i us 


Corduba 


kCr'du bd 


Dindymene 


dm di meme 


Corfinium 


k6r fin 7 ! urn 


Dio 


di'o 


Corinth 


korlnth 


Diogenes 


di Sj'e nes 


Corinthian 


k6* rm'fehi an 


Dioscuri 


di os ku'ri 


Coriolanus 


k5 ri 6 la'nus 


Dodona 


do do'nd 


Corioli 


k6 Tl'b li 


Dolabella 


dol d bel'd 


Cornelia 


kor neli d 


Domitian 


do mish'i an 


Cornelius 


kor neli us 


Domitius 


do mislrl us 


Cornificius 


k6r nl f ish'i us 


Doris 


do'ris 


Coronea 


kor t ne'd 


drachma 


drak'md 


Corsica 


kor'si kd 


Dyrrhachium 


di ra'ki um 


Cosconius 


kosko'nius 






Cotta 


kot'd 


Ebro 


e'bro 


Cranium 


kra'ni um 


Ecbatana 


ek baYd nd 


Crassinius 


krd sm'i us 


Egypt 


e'jipt 


Crassus 


kras'us 


Egyptian 


e jip r shdn 


Cumsei 


kft me'i 


Elpinice 


el pi ni'se 


Curio 


ku'ri 


Elysian 


e lizh'dn 


Cydnus 


sid'nus 


Epaminondas 


e pam i non'das 


Cyme 


si'me 


Ephesus 


ef 'e sus 



[394] 



PRONOUNCING VOCABULARY 



ephor 


ef'dr 


b-eio 


je'lo 


Epicrates 


e pik'rd tez 


Gibraltar 


ji brol'ter 


Epictetus 


ep ik te'tus 


Gisco 


jis'ko 


Epicurus 


ep i ku'rus 


Glycon 


gli'kon 


Epicycles 


ep I si'dez 


Gomphi 


gonial 


Epirus 


e pi'rus 


Gordium 


gor'di tim 


Epixyes 


e pik'si ez 


Graecinus 


gre si'nus 


Eretria 


e re'tri a 


Granicus 


grd ni'kus 


Etruria 


e troo'ri a 


Granius 


gra'ni tis 


Etruscan 


e trus'kdn 


Grecian 


gre'shdn 


Eubcea 


u he'd 


Greece 


gres 


Eubcean 


u be'dn 


Gyriscenian 


ji ri se'ni dn 


Eurnenes 


u'me nez 






Euphemides 


u. f eml dez 


Hadrian 


ha'dri dn 


Euphrates 


u f ra/tez 


Ha3dui 


hed'u i 


Euripides 


u rip 7 ! dez 


Hagnon 


hag'non 


Europe 


u'rup 


Halicarnassus 


hal'i kar nas / us 


Eurybiades 


u ri bl'a dez 


Hamilcar 


ha mirkar 


Exathres 


ek'sd threz 


Hannibal 


han'i bal 






Harpalus 


har'pa lus 


Fabius 


f a/bi us 


Hebrew 


he'broo 


pi. Eabii 


f a/bi I 


Helicon 


hell kon 


Ealerian 


id le'ri an 


Hellenic 


he lenlk 


fasces 


fas'ez 


Hellespont 


heTes pont 


Eaustus 


fos'tus 


Helvetian 


hel vS'shdn 


Eavonius 


id vo'ni us 


Hephgestion 


he f es'ti on 


Fimbria 


f mi'bri a 


Hercules 


hur'ku lez 


Elaminius 


fid min'i us 


Hermippus 


her mip'us 


Elavius 


fla/vi us 


Herodotus 


he rod'6 tus 


Eorum 


f o'runi 


Hindustan 


hin ddo stan' 


Eufidius 


iu iid l us 


Homer 


ho'mer 






Hortensius 


hor ten'shi us 


Gaius 


ga'yus 


Hydaspes 


hi das'pez 


Vjraiua 


gal'bd 


Hyrcania 


her ka'ni d 


ijaina 


gal'i d 






Tallin 
UrdlllC 


gal/ik 


ides 


Idz 


Ganges 


gan'jez 


Iliad 


in dd 


Gaul 


gol 


Illyria 


i lir'i d 


Gaza 


ga'zd 


Illyrian 


i lir'i dn 



[ 395 ] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



Illy ri cum 


1 lir'i kum 


Leonnatus 


le 6 na'tus 


India 


in'di d 


Lepidus 


lep'i dus 


Indian 


in'di an 


Lesbian 


les'bi an 


Ionia 


I o'ni a 


Leucas 


lti'kas 


Ionian 


i o'ni an 


Leuctra 


luk'trd 


Ionic 


i on'ik 


lictor 


lik'tor 


Ios 


I'os 


Ligurian 


li guM an 


Iphtha 


If'thd 


Limnseus 


lim ne'iis 


Isauricus 


i so'ri kus 


Lingones 


lirj'go nez 


Issus 


is'iis 


Livius 


liv'i us 


Italian 


i tal'yan 


Livy 


liv'i 


Italy 


it'd 11 


Lucania 


lu. ka'ni d 






Lucca 


look'ka 


Janiculum 


jd nik'u lum 


Lucius 


lu'shi us 


Juba 


joo'bd 


Lucullus 


lti kul'us 


Julia 


jooTyd 


pi. Luculli 


lu kul'i 


Julius 


jooTyfts 


Lupercalia 


lti per kali d 


Junius 


joo'ni iis 


Lusitani 


lti si ta'nl 


Jupiter 


joo'pi ter 


Lusitania 


lu si ta'ni d 


Justinian 


jus tin'i an 


Lusitanian 


lu. si ta'ni an 


Juvenal 


joo ve nal 


Lutatius 


lu ta'shi iis 






Lyca3a 


li se'd 


Labici 


Id bi'si 


Lycia 


lish'i d 


Labienus 


la bi e'niis 


Lycomedes 


hk o me dez 


Lacedaemonian 


las e de mo'ni an 


Lydia 


lid 7 ! d 


Lampsacus 


lamp'sd kus 


Lyra 


li'rd 


Lanarius 


Id na'ri us 


Lysippus 


li sip'us 


Langobritaa 


larj gob'ri te 






Laomedon 


la Sm'e don 


Macedonia 


mas e do'ni d 


Lartius 


lar'shi iis 


Macedonian 


mas e do'ni an 


Latin 


lat'in 


Maadi 


me'di 


Latinus 


Id ti'nus 


Magian 


ma'ji an 


Latium 


la'shi urn 


Magnesia 


mag ne'shi a 


Laurium 


lor'i urn 


Mallian 


mal'i an 


Lauron 


16'ron 


Manlius 


man'li us 


Lavinium 


Id vin'i urn 


Marathon 


mar'd thon 


Lentulus 


len'tu lus 


Marcellus 


mar sel'iis 


Leobotes 


le 5b'6 tez 


Marcius 


mar'shi us 


Leonidas 


le on'i das 


Marcus 


mar'kus 



[396] 



PRONOUNCIN 


G VOCABULARY 


Mardonius 


mar do ni us 


J\_Lnesiptolema 


nes ip tol e mcx 


Marius 


ma ri us 


IVlUlOll 


mo / lon 


lvldib 


marz 


lVXUlUbbldll 


mo los_h. / ciu 


Marseilles 


mar salz' 


1VJ.UU1 


moor 


M.arsian 


llldl bl (Xll 


TVTn vi ri q 
lV_LUilU.d 


mun dcx 


Martial 


mar'slii cxl 




mi us 


Marullus 


mci rul'us 






Mauretania 


mo T6 ta'lll (X 


_N aples 


na plz 


Maximus 


mak'si mus 


Narbonensis 


nar bo neu^is 


Maz&us 


met ze us 


Naxos 


nak^os 


Mede 


med 


MpflTlt VlPC! 

xy ccviioiiC/o 


tip i5'n / tnp'7 


Media 


me'di ct 


Nearchus 


tip n,T / lrii«! 

11C cvl -tvLlio 


JM g di t e rran e an 


tvi Sri i "("2 T"Q / no rtn 
HlcU. 1 to Id lit; (Xll 


IN tJUUlob 


ne o klez 


Medius 


me di us 


Nepos 


ne'pos 


Megara 


meg ol ret 


AkToT^+n n o 
IX cpUUMlt/ 


nep tun 


Megarian 


me ga'ri cxn 


Nero 


ne ro 


Melesias 


me le'si as 


Nerva 


nur vex 


Mellaria 


me la ri <x 


Nervii 


nur / vi I 


Memmius 


mem'i us 


Nicogenes 


nl koj^ nez 


M.emnon 


niGiii'iion 


Nicomedes 


uik o me dez 


IVXclldllllCl 


me naii'der 


^Tr. vl~. o n n c 
IX Ul UdllUb 


nnr 1~» q v. a 
11U1 Ud 11 lib 


IYTptipI n.ns 

_LYJ_OjU.CI.CV LtQ 


men e la us 


LljLLict 


uumcx 


Menenius 


me ne'ni us 


Numidian 


nu mid 7 ! clth 


Menon 


me non 


Nursia 


nur^lii ct 


M.etapontum 


met (i poii turn 






Metellus 


me testis 


Oceanus 


j. _/ . v 

o se (X uus 


pi. lVltSLclll 


me tel l 


Octavius 


ok t^i/vi us 


Metilius 


me tll/i us 


Odyssey 


UU. 1 bl 


lVJ.lU.db 


TV»T ' f\ Q CJ 

1111 Lido 


\JL Ulllb 


Ul Ul lib 


lY_Llt;z.d 


1111 tJ 


nl i ctj. vpTvtt 

Ulllidl Ull V 


Ul 1 w,cll 1-V.l 


A/Til o -n 
l>Xlldll 


mil ciu 


( } I TT TV! T.1Q 
V/lj llipid 


f\ 1 Yvn ''t^T /V 
U lllll ^Jl it' 


A/Til oci q n 

1VJ. 11 Cb Id 11 


mi 1 5 / cVi /7ti 
1111 lc5 bllU/11 


1^11 VTVrW.1 Q TT 

L./1J llipidll 


r\ 1 vm / ty( si n 
U 11111 pi It'll 


A T 1 1 _-_ + n o 
lVllltJlllb 


mi le'tus 


Olympic 


o lim/pik 


1V1.11 LldLlcb 


tyvTI ti^/V rlo^ 
11111 LI (Jj LltJZi 


V/lj Hip lib 


o lim pus 


i-VXllltJl V a> 


TVlT VI vi v / \Trt 
Mil 11 Ul V U( 


\jiy ii tn ub 


U 1111 liilllb 


]V_I i n u c i u s 


mi nu'slii iis 


On pen pti tn <s 

V./lJlC'Oil^l J. 1)11.(3 


nn p <iTlr / T*T tiicj 

VJll C ollV 11 b U.O 


Mithridates 


mith ri da/tez 


Oppius 


opl US 


Mithridatic 


mith ri dat'ik 


optimates 


op ti ma^ez 


Mithropaustes 


mith ro pOs'tez 


oracle 


or'd kl 



[397] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



Oricum 


dr'i kum 


Peucestas 


pu ses'tas 


Orites 


6 ri'tez 


Phalerum 


f d le'rum 


Oromasd.es 


or 6 mas'dez 


Phanias 


f a'ni as 


Osca 


os'kd 


Phanodemus 


fan 6 de'mus 


Ostia 


OS'tl d 


Pharmacusa 


far md ku'sd 


ostracism 


os'trd sizm 


Pharnaces 


f ar'nd sez 


ostrakon 


os'trd kon 


Pharos 


fa'ros 






Pharsalia 


far sail d 


Paccianus 


pak si a'lius 


Phaselis 


f d sells 


Pagasse 


pag'd se 


Phidias 


f id 7 ! as 


Palajscepsis 


pal e sep'sis 


Philip 


fillp 


Palatium 


pd la/shi um 


Philippi 


f i lip'i 


Pamphylia 


pam fin d 


Philistus 


f i lis'tus 


Pansetius 


pet ne'shi us 


Philonicus 


f il 6 nrkus 


panegyric 


pan e jir'ik 


Philotas 


f i lo'tas 


Paphlagonia 


paf Id go'ni d 


Phocian 


f o'shdn 


Paris 


parls 


Phocis 


f o'sis 


Parmenio 


par me'ni o 


Phoenicia 


f e nish'i d 


Parthenon 


par'the non 


Phoenician 


f e nish'dn 


Parthia 


par'thi d 


Phoenix 


fe'niks 


Parthian 


par'thi dn 


Phrvfiia 


frij'i d 


Paulns 


pd'lus 


Phthia 


thi'd 


Pausanias 


po sa/ni as 


Pinarus 


phi'd rus 


Pedum 


pe/dum 


Pindar 


pm'ddr 


Pelagon 


peTd gon 


Piraeus 


pi re'us 


Pella 


peTd 


Pisidian 


pi sid'i dn 


Peloponnesian 


pel 6 po ne'shdn 


Pisistratus 


pi sis'trd tus 


Peloponnesus 


pel 6 po ne'sus 


Piso 


pi'so 


Pelops 


pelops 


Pityussa 


pit i us'd 


Percote 


per ko'te 


Plata^a 


pld te'd 


Perdiccas 


per dik'as 


PI at a3 an 


pld te'dn 


Pergamus 


pur'gd mus 


Plato 


pla'to 


Pericles 


per'i klez 


Platonic 


pld ton'ik 


Perinthus 


pe r in 7 thus 


Pliny 


plin / i 


Peritas 


per'i tas 


Plutarch 


ploo'tark 


Perperna 


per pur'nd 


Poliarchus 


pol i arlms 


Persia 


pur'shd 


Pollio 


pol'i o 


Persian 


pur'shdn 


Pollux 


pol'uks 


Petro 


pe'tro 


Polymachus 


po liin'd kus 



[398] 



PRONOUNCING VOCABULARY 



Polystratus 


po lis'trd tiis 


Sabbas 


sab'as 


Pometia 


po me'shi d 


Sabine 


sa/bm 


Pompeia 


pom pe'yd 


Saguntum 


sd gun 7 turn 


Pompey 


pom'pi 


Salamis 


sard mis 


Pomponius 


pom po'ni us 


Salinator 


sal i na'tor 


Pontus 


pontus 


Salutio 


sd hYti o 


Popilius 


po piH us 


Samian 


sa'mi dn 


Poplicola 


pop lik'6 Id 


Samnite 


sam'nit 


populares 


pop u la'rez 


Samos 


sa'mos 


Porus 


po'rus 


Sardinia 


sar dm! d 


Posidonius 


pos 1 do'ni us 


Sardis 


sardis 


Pothinus 


po tlri'nus 


Satyr 


safer 


praetor 


pre'tor 


Sciathus 


srd thus 


Prothytes 


proth! tez 


Scipio 


sip! 


Publius 


piib'li us 


Scotussa 


sko tus 7 d 


Punic 


pu/nik 


Scythia 


sith! d 


Pydna 


pid'nd 


Semitic 


se nnt!k 


Pylos 


pi'los 


Sequani 


sek'wd ni 


Pyrenees 


pir'e nez 


Seriphian 


se rif ! dn 


Pyrrhus 


pir'us 


Seriphus 


se rrf us 






Sertorius 


ser to!! us 


qusestor 


kwes'tor 


Servilius 


ser vil! us 


Quintus 


kwin'tus 


pi. Servilii 


ser vil! I 






Setia 


se'shi d 


Rebilus 


reb! lus 


Sicilian 


si sil! dn 


Rhadamanthus 


rad d man'thus 


Sicily 


sis' i li 


rhapsodist 


rap'so dist 


Sicinius 


si sin! iis 


Rhea 


re'd 


Sicinnus 


si sm'us 


Rhegium 


re'ji inn 


Simonides 


si mon! dez 


Rhine 


rin 


Sinope 


si no'pe 


Rhodes 


rodz 


Sisimithres 


si sim! thres 


Rhodian 


ro'di an 


Smyrna 


smur'nd 


Rhoesaces 


res'd sez 


Socrates 


sok'rd tez 


Rhone 


ron 


Sophocles 


sof '6 klez 


Romulus 


rom'u lus 


Spanus 


spamus 


Roxana 


rok sa/nd 


Sparta 


spar'td 


Roxanes 


rok sa/nez 


Spartan 


spar'tdn 


Rubicon 


roo'bi kon 


Spinther 


spin'ther 


Rusticus 


rus'ti kus 


Spithridates 


spith ri da't< 



[399] 



PLUTARCH'S LIVES 



Spurius 


spu'ri us 


l ne Dan 


the'bdn 


Stagira 


std ji'rd 


i ne oes 


thebz 


Statira 


std ti'rd 


Themistocles 


the mis' to klez 


St6silaus 


stes 1 la' us 


Theodectes 


the dek'tez 


otraDO 


stra'bo 


Theodorus 


the do'rus 


styx 


stiks 


TMi c±r\r\ r\1~n o 


Liie UU U LLlh 


Sucro 


su'kro 


Theophilus 


the of! lus 


Suevi 


W c VI 


X iltJUpilIclbLU.o 


the f ras'tus 


Sugambri 


su gam'bri 


Theopompus 


the 6 poin'pus 


ouna 


suKci 


Therme 


thur'me 


Super bus 


su pur'bus 


Thermopylae 


ther mopl le 


Susa 


soo sd 


Theseus 


the'sus 


Syracuse 


sir'd kus 


Thessalian 


the sa'li dn 


Syria 


sir 7 ! d 


Thessaly 


thes'd 11 


Syrian 


sir 1 CLYl 


Thoranius 


tho ra/ni us 


Syrmus 


sir mus 


Thrace 


thras 






Thracian 


thra'shdn 


Tacitus 


tas i lus 


Thucyd.id.es 


thu sidl dez 


Tagus 


ta/gus 


ii Dei 


ti oer 


Tanagra 


tan'd grd 


Tigris 


tl'gris 


Tanusius 


td nu si us 


Tigurini 


tig u ri ni 


Tarentme 


tar en tin 


1 1111US 


til'i us 


Tarentum 


td ren'tum 


Timoclea 


tim kle'd 


Tarpeian 


tar pe'ydn 


Tinioleon 


ti mo'le on 


Tarquin 


tar'kwTn 


Timoxena 


ti niok'se nd 


Tarquinius 


tar kwin'i us 


Tingis 


tirj'jis 


Tarracina 


tar d si'nd 


Tireus 


ti'rus 


Taxiles 


tak'si lez 


Titurius 


ti tu. ri us 


± eian 


te'ycin 


J. Huh 


ti tus 


Teles 


te'lez 


Toleria 


to le'ri d 


Tempe 


tem'pe 


Tolmides 


tol'ini dez 


Tencteri 


terjk'te ri 


Torquatus 


tor kwa/tiis 


Tenos 


te nos 


Traj an 


tra jcin 


Terentius 


te ren'shi us 


Trasimenus 


tras 1 me nus 


± euton 


tu ton 


±reDia 


tre'bi d 


ml Tpntonci 


tri ones 


Triballian 


tri ball dn 


or, Teutones 


tii'to nez 


triumvirate 


tri um'vi rat 


Thapsus 


thap'sus 


Troezen 


tre'zen 


Theagenes 


the aj'e nez 


Trcezenian 


tre ze'ni dn 






[400] 





PRONOUNCING VOCABULARY 



Trojan 


tro'jdn 


Velitrani 


vel 1 tra'ni 


Troy 


troi 


Vento 


ven'to 


Tullus 


tuTus 


Venusia 


ve nu'shi d 


Tunis 


tu'nis 


Vercingetorix 


vur sin jet'6 riks 


Tuscany 


tus'kd ni 


Vergilia 


ver jiH d 


Tusculum 


tus'ku. lum 


Vetus 


ve'tiis 


Tuttia 


tut'i a 


Volscian 


vol'shan 


Tyndareus 


tin da/re iis 


Volumnia 


vo lum ni a 


Tyndaridse 


tin dar'i de 


Vulturnus 


vul tur'nus 


Ulysses 


u lis'ez 


Xanthippus 


zan thip'iis 


Usipetes 


u sip'e" tez 


Xanthus 


zan'tlms 


Utica 


u/ti kd 


Xerxes 


zurk'sez 



Vaccsean 

Valeria 

Valerius 

Varro 

Veii 

Velitrse 



vak se'dn 
vd le'ri a 
vd le'ri us 
var'o 
ve'yi 
ve li'tre 



Zela 

Zelea 

Zeno 

Zephyrus 

Zeus 

Zeuxis 



ze'ld 
ze le'd 
ze'no 
zef 1 rus 
zus 

zuk'sis 



[401 ] 



Tl 
Th 



5 7 



